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AUTHENTIC'

SPEECHES

OF

S. P. CHASE,

SECRETAEY OF THE TREASURY, DURIISTG HIS ^^ISIT TO OHIO,

WITH HIS

SPEECHES

-A.T I USr ID I-A^KT-AuiPOI. IS,

AND AT THE

MASS MEETING IN BALTIMORE,

OCTOBE^l, 1833.

WASHINGTON,

PRINTED BY W. H. MOORE,

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Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2009 with funding from

Friends of the Lincoln Financial Collection in Indiana

http://www.archive.org/details/goinghometovoteaOOchas

SPEECHES

O F

S. F». CH^SE,

SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY,

iDXTPunsra- ms ^v^zsit to o:e3:io, etc.

Since the last Presidential contest there has been no election that aroused such interest at the National Capital as the late one in Ohio. In others there have been im- portant questions of policy involved: but in this the question was above all policy; it was whether an Aider and Abetter of Treason should be rewarded with the highest office of a great State, as a rebuke to the Government for its eflForts to sustain itself against Treason.

The result was thought far from certain. The leading politicians of the State reasoned that last year the Democrats had carried it by a majority of six thousand; that since then fifteen thousand had been sent to the war, and that not less than ten thous- and of them were from our side; and with these facts and the unparalleled activity of the Vallandigham party in the canvass, they urged that the home vote could not by any means be considered safe. If we were defeated on this, it was considered that the moral effect of the victory would be lost. The Soldiers" vote would elect our ticket, but our opponents would deny that it was a free or fair election. Accordingly every effort was made to carry the home vote. Every Ohioan abroad, and especially every Ohioan in Washington, who could possibly get the time, held it to be his duty to go home and vote. As few of them, even of those who had been away the longest, had ever intended to abandon the State as their permanent place of residence, there were h^T^ whose legal right to do so was not indisputable.

The Secretary of the Treasury, to whom the State naturally looked for assistance in the canvass, had made two or three appointments to visit Ohio during the campaign, but the press of public business or of public danger had each time prevented him. Of late the Assistant Secretary had completely broken down, and had gone to England in search of health; and the gentleman appointed to succeed him had performed the duties of his office but a single day when he too was prostrated.

Thus tied up, it had seemed impossible for Mr. Chase to escape, for even the briefest participation in the contest. At last, however, as he expressed it, he felt that he could not stay quietly in his place in Washington at such a crisis ; and so he decided to follow his clerks, and '-go home to vote.'' It was about two o'clock on the Friday afternoon preceding the Tuesday of the election, when he found that he could arrange the business of the Department, so as to be absent for a few days. At half past six he was off.

The Baltimore and Ohio railroad provided a special car for him, and the Master of Transportation accompanied him throughout the entire length of the road. The Presi-

4

dent of the Ohio Central, awaited him at the Ohio river. No notice whatever had been given of his visit, and even his most intimate friends in the State knew nothing of it save what they read in the dispatches from Washington, announcing his departure, in the daily papers of Saturday morning.

The train was over two hours behind time, and did not reach Columbus until about two o'clock in the morning. To the Secretary's astonishment, however, the depot was crowded with a large concourse of citizen's waiting to receive him ; and he was greeted as the train entered the depot with prolonged cheering, and shouts of "Hurrah for our old Governor,'" *-How are you, old Greenbacks?" '-Glad to see you home again,'" etc., etc A procession was formed, preceded by a band of music, and the Secretary was conducted to the hotel; where, in response to enthusiastic calls, he spoke as follows :

SPEECH ON ARRIVAL AT COLUMBUS.

I am profoundly grateful, my fellow-citizens of Columbus, for this most unexpected welcome. I am all the more grateful because of the circumstances which attend it ;^ though I cannot but regret that you have put yourselves to the inconvenience, this cold night, and at this unseasonable hour, of coming out to welcome one who is certainly no stranger to you. ('-No inconvenience. Governor — glad to see you at any time of day or night.'') ' Thank you. my frieuds. It does me good to stand once more on this soil, and look once more into Oliio faces. (■• So it does us good to have you here.") I Utile expected to be absent from home so long when I left you. It is now near three years since, at the instance of the eminent citizen who then held the office of Governor, I went to "U'ashington to attend the Peace Conference. Since then I have never been able to leave the Capital, except on business. I have often thought of coming home to see you all, and have a good time, but never found myself able to do so till now ; and even now I have only come to vote ihe Union ticket, and to hurry back to my work.

I hardly know whether I have a right to vote after so long an absence. ('• Of course you have/' "certainly you have;" "just come down to your old Second ward, and we- will show you.") Wei), I believe I have not lost my residence; at any rate I could not feel easy away, when you were working here with all your might for your country^ and so I resolved to come home and try. (" Bully for you ;" " that's just like you.")

Times have changed since 1 left you. We have had sad days and dark d;iys ; but I hope and believe that the saddest and darkest are past. At the beginning of the Rebellion, when the bankers hesitated about advancing their cash on the bonds of the Government, I told them that treason must be put down and the war prosecuted until it had been put down, even if we hod to carry it on with Government notes, and issue Government notes till we got down to the old Revolutionary standard, when it took a thousand dollars to buy a breakfast. (Laughter, and " Well, I guess we can stand it.") Well, I don't think you will have to stand it. I have no idea that there is any possibility of coming to that, or anywhere near to that. I have no fears as to the final result. I trust, indeed, that the end is even now approaching. To be sure, I have nothing to do with military mat- ters, except to provide means to pay expenses: but it looks to me as if the end was coming. Our armies largely outnumber the rebel armies. We have regained half the territory they originally held; what remains to them is cut in two; the Mississippi is opened ; all the cities on its shores are ours — Columbus, Memphis, Yicksburgh, Natchez, New Orleans. The deliverance of devoted East Tennessee, thank God I is achieved ; Nashville and Knoxville are ours; our fleets blockade the whole seacoast, and we hold the most important ports. (Cheers, and " What we gain we hold.") Steadily the armed power of the nation moves on. and henceforth we may hope there will be no steps back- ward. We may hope soon to hear of the fall of Charleston ; but whether it fall soon or late, the end is certain, and in that faith I rest.

Sometimes, to be sure, I have thought the war did not go on so fast as it ought ; that some mistakes might have been avoided — some misfortunes averted. Doubtless you have all sometimes thought the same. We have all, no doubt, thought that if we only had the power we could push matteis faster ; correct some evils : avoid some delays ; but it is easier to stand off and criticise than to take hold and do. The President, you may rely on it, is not unmindful of his responsibility: but is honestly and earnestly doing his best. I am sure I can say that much for myself, ("That you can,") and for the other Heads of Departments. And let me say to you, that the best thing for us all to do is to

5

join hands, and without carping or fault-finding, which can only do harm, uphold the Government nnd hasten the common triumph. (•• That's so." and cheers.)

Some of us are in the habit of tracing our evils to a certain peculiar institution. Now, I have thought it not amiss to try to help the cure of them by another peculiar institu- tion, (Laughter, and - Hurrah for the Greenbacks."') This peculiar institution, gen- tlemen, is not much like the other. That hopes to live by the nation's death ; this only by the nation's life. The currency and the Republic must stand together, Tlie cur- rency cannot break if the Republic remains unbroken.

The struggle we are engaged in must end in the freedom of labor, and in institutions founded on free labor. I am glad if you think that my efforts to establish a financial policy which will assure just wages for free labor, have contributed something to safe deliverance from the perilous present, and to the securing of a rich and glorious future for our country. (liOud and prolonged cheering.)

I have said more than I intended, ray friends. I must not keep you longer in this cold. Let me renew my heartfelt thanks for your kindness, and bid you " good night."'

The Secretary was then besieged by crowds, eager to take him by the hand and wel- come him back to Columbus : and finally, after more music and more cheers, the assem- bly dispersed at between three and four o'clock in the morning.

He spent Sunday quietly, receiving the calls of his old friends, and attending divine service at the church where he had worshipped when Governor of the State. He pro- posed to proceed to CiDcinnati, (which was his legal place of residence.) on the eleven o'clock train Monday morning, but the citizens of Columbus insisted on another speech from him before the election, and a meeting was accordingly appointed for nine o'clock Monday morning, in the hall of the Loyal League. At this very early hour, the hall was densely packed with an enthusiastic audience. The Secretary spoke as follows:

SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, IN THE HALL OF THE LOYAL LEAGUE.

1 have come to Ohio, fellow-citizens, to join vou in upholding at the ballot-box the same cause which our brave armies are uphold- ing on the battle-field. I come not to speak, but to vote. I have been long absent from you in person, but never for a moment in spirit; the body has been away, but the heart, never.

When I left the State it was upon the appointment and at the request of my friend and honored successor in the Chief Magistracy, to represent Ohio as one of her delegates in the Peace Conference.

Li that Conference I and all who shared my sentiments, were animated by the sincerest and most anxious desire to preserve the peace and harmony of the Republic. Our sole wish was to main- tain the Constitution and the L^nion, without dishonor or injury to any State or any citizen. We assured the delegates from the South, that if they would be content with Slavery in the States where it was, nobody would interfere with them. Join us then, we said, in assuring your people of this plain, indisputable fact, and allay this dangerous excitement. Then call a National Convention to decide on the new claims you now prefer. Could anything be more fair than this proposition? Yet not a single vote from a single Slave State was recorded for it.

The truth is, my friends, the Slaveholders had determined to ruin if they could not rule the Republic. John Tyler was President of the Conference. Mr. Seddon, now the rebel Secretary of War, was a prominent member. Nearly all, if not all the members from

6

the seceding and many from the non-seceding Slave States, joined the ranks of treason. Thej did not consent to the proposition for peace which we submitted, because they had pre-determined not to be satisfied with anything short of the absohite submission and hu- mihation of the non-shiveholders of the country.

So the Conference failed; Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated. The patience with which as President, he bore their threats and their overt acts of treason seems now absolutely amazing. Arsenals were robbed; forts seized; the flag insulted; the Capital threatened; the Government menaced; and still the President endured — and still endured.

At length the rebel cannon thundered on Sumter, and roused Government and people alike. [N'othiug was left for us but war. They chose war, and war they shall have until their last platoon is disbanded and their last musket laid down. (Loud and prolonged cheering.)

It is idle to blink the fact that the source, and spring, and foun- tain of all this woe is Slaver3^ They were warned that if Slavery took the sword, it would perish by the sword. And it shall perish! Shall perish? It is already dead ! (Cheers.)

Throughout the rebel States, with inconsiderable though regret- ted exceptions, it has received its doom from the Proclamation of Emancipation. Efforts are even yet n:iade, it is true, by some sort of galvanism, to recall the dead thing to life; but galvanism only contorts; it does not vivify.

In the other States also Slavery is virtually dead; not actually dead indeed, for it still struggles against its inevitable fate. In al- most all the Border States, so-called, true friends of the Union are speaking out against Slavery in terms and in tones which you, a few years ago, would have thought ultra radical. They so speak bec^ause they find themselves irresistibly constrained to take ground against Slavery, in order to take ground for the Union.

And these earnest men are going to triumph, thank God ! A few weeks ago they scarcely dared to hope for the election of more than one or two Unconditional Union Emancipation Congressmen in Maryland. Now they feel certain of three and hopeful of five, and ex- pect also to elect their State ticket. In Delaware they expect to elect a Congressman of like faith. In Missouri they refuse the Compromise Ordinance which decrees uncertain future Emancipation, and take their stand on the simple platform "we won't have this thing ant/ longer.'' Thus it is through the Border States. The Unconditional men are rapidly coming into majorities in all of them. They no longer send us messages of distrust and defiance; but, instead of these, cordial invitations to join them in the great deliverance they are striving to achieve for the whole country.

Only the other day I had the pleasure of receiving under my roof some seventy Missourians representing some fift^^-seveu counties of that State, and some thirty Kansaus representing I do not know how many counties of theirs. Instead of the old war between them,

there was only fraternal contention in promoting the common cause

of freedom for both States.

These things have a meaning. They mean that the nation is being born'again. These struggles and this now in Ohio are the struggles of the new birth. The cause of freedom — the ques- tion of every man's right to pay for his toil — is now on trial. There are some mistaken men — and some bad men, too, I fear — who strive against the side of justice and the people. Let them. We shall come out of this struggle withBrough and the whole ticket elected, and the contest ended forever more. (Cheers and "Amen to that.")

Eeraember, my countrymen, the men who are upholding our cause in the field. The "^sun never shone on such soldiers before. I have seen them in camp and on the march — striplings from the fire-side; men in mature manhood; gray-headed sires, — not one dragged like a serf to unwilling fight, but every man a hero, con- scious that he fights for himself and all that is dear to him, because he fights for his country. And then their leaders! God be praised that "Ohio has given 'Grant to open the Mississippi, Rosecrans to guard the southeastern gate of Tennessee, and Gillmore to thun- der against concentrated rebellion in Charleston. (Enthusiastic cheering.)

What is the voice of these men? They cry to you, "don't let the cause fail at home! We are with you in heart; if the enemy be not upon us on election day we will be with you in the vote. Sustain us at the polls, and count every ballot a bullet aimed straight at the heart of the rebellion." (Cheers.)

I must close, my friends, for I go to Cincinnati this morning, and the hour for the train is nigh. It is impossible for me to express the pleasure your greeting gives me. God bless you and our noble State forever and forever. (Loud and prolonged cheering.)

Loud calls for Ex-Governor Dennison were now made. Finally h- appeared, and made a brief speech, exhorting preparation for the next day's contest, and referring to the ser- vices of their guest. He closed as follows:

*'I had occasion on Saturday to say. what I now repeat, that neither William Pitt nof any financier of whom history makes mention, could boast of such achievements. 1 take the opportunity to say this here, because, like many others. I did not favor the Secretary's financial policy, and made some objections to its adoption. Time has settled the ques- tion. He was' right and I was wrong, and I take pleasure in saying so in his presence to-day.

I have but one word to add. Let us work from this hour till to-morrow night for the cause uf the Country, of Free Institutions, of the Civilization intrusted to us : let us prove worthysons of our heroic fathers, and worthy fathers of our heroic soldiers. [Loud cheers for Gov. Dennison, for Gov. Chase, and for the Union ticket.]

A procession was then formed on High street, preceded by a band of music, and the Sec- retary was escorted to the depot. Here another crowd had assembled, and he could not enter the special car. provided for him. until he had made another speech. He said: SPEECH AT THE COLUMBUS DKPOT, MONDAY MORNING.

Accept my thanks, my friends, for coming here to bid me good bye. Two hours past midnight on Sunday morning, some of you awaited the arrival of the belated Saturday train to welcome me, and now you have gathered in far greater numbers to say farewell- { tiank you for the double kindness; it will never be forgotten. (Cheers.)

Let me leave with you one parting word. To-morrow is the day of trial for onr Coim- try. All eyes turn to Ohio. A few hours only are left for the sacred cause — for Free- dom, for Union, for the Soldiers, for the Republic. Forget nothing that a patriotic peo- ple should do. Vote — and get all you can to vote for Brough and the whole Union ticket. You need only vrork to win. You will work and you will win. (Cheers.) Heaven bless you. Good Bye. (Prolonged cheering as the Secretary retired to his car.)

The trip from Columbus to Cincinnati was a continued ovation. At some of the stop- ping places the crowds insisted on speeches, and the Secretary responded briefly, as fol- lows;

AT XENIA, [from the platform of bis car.]

It is said to be -a dangerous thing, fellow-citizens, to stand on the platform. It is a much more dangerous thing not to have any platform to stand on. It may sometimes be a dangerous thing to maintain a principle, but it is always a much more dangerous thing to have no principle to maintain.

We have one. That principle is now on trial. Its elements are National Unity and, Constitutional Freedom, and to-morrow is to decide its triumph or temporary failure., Are the brave soldiers we have sent to the field engaged in a foolish and a wicked work, or are they doing that for v.'hich we and the ages that come after must forever hold their memories precious? That is the question. I do not, cannot, doubt your answer. (Hearty cheering.)

AT MORROW.

These railroads are peculiar institutions. They don't allow a man to make a speech but they do allow him to come out and say to his old friends how glad he is to see them and how much he regrets not having time to mingle with them, and take them by the hands as of yore. (Laughter and cheers.) And he may snatch another moment, by fa- vor of the conductor, to say that he hopes they will all turn out and vote and work for Brough and the whole Union ticket to-morrow ; and to add his hearty good-bye. (Hearty cheering.)

At CampDennison a crowd of citizens had assembled, and all the troops in camp were drawn up in line to receive the Secretary. He Vk'as presented by the General command- ing, and spoke as follows :

AT CAMP DENNISON.

Soldiers and Citizens: This is altogether unexpected, and as I have no authority either to issue commands to troops or to railroad trains already behind time, I can say but a word.

I have come to express my sympathy and give my vote with those who are ?»pholding at the polls the cause which you maintain in the field. J should not have ventured from my post of duty, even for so short an absence, had I not arranged for the prompt pay- m'ent of all current obligations, and laid aside the snug little sum of twenty-five millions of dollars to pay you ail off again on the first day of November, (laughter and cheers ;) but having done this, I thought I would just run out to the Miami valley, and see how the Miami boys I used to know look now. And I must say they look remarkably well. (Laughter.)

I beg you all, soldiers and citizens alike, to remember that to-ujorrow is the most im- portant of all the three hundred and sixty-five days in the year; indeed, the most im- portant day you may see for many a year to come. You are to decide whether these brave men. and their fellows in distant fields, are to be supported ; whether those who have fallen are to be canonized as martyrs, or stigmatized as men who fell in vain in an ignoble cause. I will not ask you to vote for Brough and the Union. I should wrong you by doubting it. [Protracted cheering for Secretary Chase, and for the Union ticket.]

A committee of prominent citizens of Cincinnati had been dispatched to Columbus Monday morning to inform the Secretary of the arrangements for his reception at his old home, and to escort him down. On the arrival at the Cincinnati depot, notwithstanding a drenching rain was falling, an immense crowd had assembled. The regulation salute for a member of the Cabinet was fired, and a procession was formed to conduct him to his hotel, comprising a military escort, (preceded by the Newport Barracks band.) under Gen. Cox, commanding the district, and carriages for members of the Chamber of Com-

9

merce, City Councilmen, Judges, and other officials. The procession having moved through some of the principal streets to the Burnet House, where a very large crowd had assembled, the President of the Chamber of Commerce presented him with a handsome eulogy to the audience. He was received with protracted and enthusiastic cheering, and spoke as follows :

SPEECH AT HIS RECEPTION IN CINCINNATI.

Mr. President, Gentlemen of the Chamber of Commerce, and Fellow-Citizens : I fear it will not be in my power to make myself heard by even the tithe of this vast as- semblage. As I look upon it, and as I have looked upon other crowds of my fellow- citizens gathering together to greet me on my way hither, I ask myself, What have I done to merit all this kindness ? In a review of the past two years, I see no other ground of claim to these tokens of approval than this simple one, that success at Washington being exceedingly important, if not indispensable, to success in the field, I have in my assigned sphere of responsibility sincerely sought to know my duty, and have then con- stantly asked God for courage to do it. (Applause.)

After long absence I come among you, here in my old home, and notwithstanding the rain and cold, you surprise me by this outpouring of my old neighbors and friends. It is very kind in you. Be assured that I am deeply grateful for this welcome.

How well I remember when the ground on which this stately house now stands, was part of an open square, terminated just here by a steep bluff over the street where you now are, and occupied only by the modest dwelling of Jacob Burnet, that distinguished and venerated pioneer and citizen, now gone to his rest. I used sometimes to come here when a bo}', and how happy I was if I chanced to attract his kindly recognition. But now, my friends, what do we see? A great city, crowded by an intelligent population, and with all the means of unsurpassed prosperity ; a city full of schools, churches, work- shops, and ail the instruments of progress and culture. Do you ask whence come all this progress and prosperity ; whence come all these evidences of the highest civiliza- tion ? The answer leaps to all lips — these are the fruits of free labor and popular gov- ernment. The lesson is obvious. Free labor and popular government are the greatest of human interests. (Cheers.)

Now, on the other hand, whence comes this gre^t trouble in which our country is in- volved ? Not elsewhere, believe me. than from the refusal of the slaveholding aristo- cracy to allow freedom to labor, or to recognize the right of the masses to govern the country. (Cheers.) But labor will be free, and the masses will govern, in spite of all the aristocracy between the Ohio and the Gulf, Hence the conflict.

When the struggle began I feared we might be unable to meet the heavy demands which must accumulate on the Treasury ; but, by the blessing of God, we have got on very well. While our arms have steadily advanced, our finances, now, when the third year of the war is half gone, are in a more satisfactory condition — apart from the debt, which I do not like — than ever.

Consider our recent progress, and what part the sons of Ohio have borne in it. We hold almost undisputed possession of East Tennessee, and her noble patriots are freed from the galling yoke of usurping tyranny. A son of Ohio, the heroic Grant, has opened the Mississippi by the capture of the strongest fortress of the rebellion. Another son of Ohio, the gallant and true-hearted Roseckans, has taken Chattanooga, and confronts there the greatest of the rebel armies. Still another son of Ohio, the brave and skillful Gillmore, is training his guns on Charleston. In all this work, Ohio soldiers, not less than Ohio officers, have been conspicuous.

Remember, too, the fallen — the heroic and glorious men who have sealed their devo- tion to their country by their precious blood. When I was a young man there was no one whom the people of Cincinnati more delighted to iove and honor than Robert T. Lytle. He represented you in Congress, and was beloved by Andrew Jackson. His son inherited as a legacy the affection the people bore his father. He inherited, too, his brave, chivalric spirit, and when this war broke out he forgot everything but his countrv and hastened to the field. Repeatedly disabled by wounds, he repeatedly returned to the scenes of conflict. At length, in the recent disastrous battle of (>hickamauga he fell, pierced by hostile bullets, to rise no more. His last injunction to his countrymen was to maintain the honor of the flag and the integrity of the Republic. " He sleeps his last sleep." What inscription shall his monument bear? What inscripton shall the mon- uments of the thousands who like him have bled and died, bear? Did these young pat- riots die as the fool diet,h? or were they of the noble army of martyrs who to a just and noble cause do not refuse their lives?

10

Answer ye, men of Cincinnati — answer ye, men of Ohio, by your votes. [Cheers.] Let us do each his part. I have tried to do mine by first providing means to pay our soldiers, ["Hurrah for Greenbacks "] on the first of next month, and by then coming home to vote. The duty right before us now, is to elect the men whose names represent to us here in Ohio. Union and Freedom. This done, the enemy, now losing heart and force, will be deprived of their last hope of support from the loyal States. Their friends everywhere will be disappointed and discouraged. Our brave soldiers will be strength- ened and cheered, and the restoration of the Republic will become a comparatively easy task.

But I must relieve you from farther exposure this inclement evening. [•' Go ou," "go on."] No, no ; it would not be right. Let me close by cordial thanks for your too gen- erous appreciation of my humble etforts to serve our country, and by the heartfelt pledge that whatever and whoever may fail, I, who am so bound to you, will never desert vour cause, which is the cause of all who love Liberty and have faith in the People. [Pro- onged and enthusiastic cheering.]

Extensive arrangements had been made for a large out-door meeting in the evening, but the inclement weather prevented. Not willing to let the eve of the election pass, however, without a great meeting, the committee insisted on a speech from Mr. Chase in ]\Io7.art Hall, the largest hall in the city. Long before his arrival it was densely packed. He was received with prolonged applause, and spoke as follows :

SPEECH IN MOZART HALL. Neighbors and friends: You must not expect a speech from me to-night. I could not refuse to meet j^ou in compliance with the arrangements of the committee, but I have not had time to think out any thing in order. So if I talk to you, it must be in a very plain way.

THE WAR WE HAVE, AND WHEREABOUTS WE ARE IN IT.

We are engaged in a great struggle. It is a struggle brought upon us by no fault of the people of the United States, and when I say by no fault of the people of the United States, I mean pre- cisely what I say. The laboring masses, the merchants, the man- ufacturers, the mechaiiics of the North, have had no part in bring- ing on this war. The non-slaveholders of the South have had no part in it. It is a strife brought on by a conspiracy of the few to rule the many, and it is simply because the leaders of the privileged classes were not willing to trust the people with their cause, that they took up arms for the purpose of establishing a dominion over whites and blacks independently of the Federal Government. That is all there is of the rebellion.

Now this conspirac}^ is not of recent origin. Wherever you find ail aristocracy of any country sternly confronted by the people, it goes to war with the people. The difference between our aristo- cracy and the aristocracies which have warred upon the people in other countries is, that our aristocracy is or was established on the basis of personal slavery, and under our system of State and Na- tional Governments, exercised exclusive control, through political organization, over a distinct section of tlie country. It occupied certain States, having distinct though subordinate governments, and therefore it was, that when the time came for Aristocracy to re- bel against Democracy, South Carolina, the most aristocratic of these aristocratic States, led the way by the action of her State

11

Government, and was followed by the rest in quick succession un- til we became involved in this terrible war.

IN'ow, when aristocracy organized like ours, makes war against democracy, there is no choice but to take up the challenge or sub- mit to dismemberment. So, when the aristocracy flung its challenge to us, we just took it up. In the West the aristocracy claimed to con- trol the Mississippi. In the East the aristocracy claimed the mouth of the Chesapeake, and the coast from the Chesapeake all the way round to the Rio Grande. It was impossible to endure this, and the whole country said "It shall not be." So the aristocracy went to war to establish an independent aristocratic Government, like the monarchical Governments of the old v/orld, in the southern sec- tion of our coantrj^, and we went to war to prevent it.

The simple question then is this: Is this country worth a war? Are the hopes depending on the perpetuity of American Democra- tic Institutions precious enough to justify a war for the nation's life? Look through the history of the world, and tell me where you will find a people struggling for a nobler object. In the full faith that duty to God and Man required it of us, we entered into the (contest. We mean to preserve the life of this Xation, and the integrity of this Republic also. And we mean to do this work thoroughly, so that in all time to come it will be utterly impossible for a dis'affected faction in any part of the land to strike a deadly blow at the vi- tality of the country. (Cheers.)

Such is this war; and because the war is what it is, I have no doubt as to the outcome of it. I have thought the issue certain from the beginning. At worst I have thought it a simple question of endurance. Would the masses continue steadily to sustain the Government in the purpose and determination to subdue the aris- tocratic faction, and prevent it from getting absolute control of the whole laboring population, white and black, of the rebel States? That was the only question, and I never doubted the will of the people.

We shall go on with the war. It may be that we shall not get on as fast as we wish, but we shall persevere. I should have been very glad if we could have stricken this rebellion down in the first six months. I thought at first that it was possible to do so. But it was not decreed that we should. Six months after six months have followed each other. Varying success has attended our arms, now victory and now defeat, until five times six months have gone, and the war is still upon us. But we gained ground all the time; and now we have the positions which make final success a sure thing. All military men agree, I believe, that the occupation of East Ten- nessee and the control of the Mississippi, must determine the event of the war. If the rebels could keep the valley of the Upper Ten- nesse and send out their armies from that region, we could hardly hope for success. But now that we have that valley and hold that strong mountain district, the putting down of the rebellion becomes a mere question of time. With that great central fortress in our

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hands,"aiid the ability to concentrate armies there and send them out thence in whatev^er direction may seem best, we are as sure to suc- ceed as time is to roll on. But the possession of the Mississippi doubles our power to decide the event. Already we have the mil- itary control of the river. Soon we hope to have unfettered com- mercial centrol ; and the control of the river is the control of the great valley it waters. N'eed I speak of Gillmore's steady and seemingly resistless approaches to Charleston — that hot-bed of re- belliyus treason ? Need I speak of other ports, and of posts and districts, already wrested from the rebellion? Seeing these things who can doubt the result?

In my humble judgment, fellow-citizens, the rebellion may even now be regarded as virtually subdued. 1 know that it is not ac- tually subdued. The rebels still have great armies in the field, but ours are greater ; they have still large resources, but ours are larger. Strong positions remain to them, but the strongest and the con- trolling positions are ours. Therefore it is that I revard the rebel- lion as virtually though not actually subdued. And I cannot help thinking — though it is not my business to conduct the war, and I have no. right to speak confidently on a subject of which I have no special knowledge — I cannot help thinking that with wise, resolute, energetic action on the part of military directors and leaders, and with the whole heart and might of the people thrown into the con- test, the rebellion may be brought to an actual close, and that pretty quickly.

Now, my friends, I have shown you what kind of a war we have and whereabouts we are in the war. I have not attempted speech- making, nor do I mean to do so; but let mo just go over some other heads of discussion that seem to me worth thinking about.

RELATIOXS OF SLAVERY TO THE GOVERNMENT AND THE REBELLION.

It was the most natural thing in the world when the war began that we should want to get through it without disturbing slavery in the States. I have often spoken to you here in Cincinnati on this subject, and you all know my views; for I am just the same man now, though a little older, and hold just the same faith as when I^first began to'talk to you more than twenty years ago.

'it always seemed very simple and very plain to me that slavery outside ot slave States depended absolutely for continuance and existence on the national will — that is to say, on your will and my will. This being understood, it seemed equally simple and plain that slavLMT outsi^le of slave States ought not to be allowed to exist to the necessary injury and disturbance of free labor. But with slavery in the slave States, I constantly said that we in the free States had nothing to do. iVlways disliking and condemiiing the institution. I was yet as much averse to interference with it in South Carolina, by citizens of Ohio, as I was to interference with any institution of Ohio by citizens of South Carolina. This, you know, was my doctrine. So, when this rebellion broke out, it

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would have suited me very well if we could have crushed the head of the snake — I mean the rebellion — leaving slavery to be disposed of in the States according to the judgment of their citizens; and, had I been General-in-Chief, I should doubtless have attempted in some awkward way to accomplish this.

But while this seemed to me very desirable, it soon became clear enough that the rebellion was not to be ended after that fashion. The war went on and assumed greater and greater proportions. We put greater and greater armies in the field. Then it was soon seen that slavery was the strongest prop of the rebellion. The slaves raised provisions and did the home work for the rebel armies. The rebel chiefs were thus enabled to force pretty much all the whites physically capable of bearing arms into the military service, while they forced all the blacks to feed and support them. The blacks indeed were not slow to learn on which side their interest lay, and always, when they could, showed friendship to our soldiers. They were almost the only friends on whom any dependence could be placed for information or sympathy, as our armies penetrated the rebel regions. But neither their sympath}' nor their co-operation could be permanently reckoned on unless they could be assured of friendship and protection in return. Seeing all this, I could not fail to see that slavery was the life of the rebellion, and to desire that this slavery should be destroyed. There were many ways to get at this, and all, in time of war, and for the efficient prosecution of the war, perfectly legitimate and constitutional. It was not for me to choose the way. I was content with any way of knocking out the underprop of the rebellion. The war brought into ex- istence the ]»ower to suppress slavery within hostile States. With the power came the duty; and so, when President Lincolx deter- mined upon the Proclamation of Freedom, I said Amen to it with all my heart. (Tremendous cheering.) I disliked nothing in it but the exceptions.

!N"obody has thought of interfering with slavery in the vStates that remained loyal, beyond the necessities created by war; but the in- tention and effect of the Proclamation was to free, at once and forever, all the slaves of States in insurrection, with the exceptionsjust alluded to. Thus considered, the Proclamation stands fortli the great feature of the war. It was the right thing at the right time, in the right place. It would have been even more right, had it been earlier, and with- out exceptions. I said when it was promulgated, and I repeat now, that the President who made it merits, and will receive, the bene- dictions of mankind.

Without the Proclamation we could not achieve success; and I hold that the man who condemns it is talking of that of which he knows nothing, or knows little, or, that he really desires the rebel- lion to succeed.

But, say some, you are making war against slavery, and not against rebellion; whereas you ought to leave slavery untouched, so that when the rebels submit to the authority of the*^ Union, they

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may come back with their slaves just as before. We do not agree to either branch of this assertion. We make war against the rebel- lion, and against slavery because it is the life of the rebellion ; and we don't leave slavery untouched, because we don't want to pre- serve the seminal principle of rebellion under the forms of restored National Supremacy.

There is less difficulty, my friends, in this business than many suppose. There are two classes of States south of Mason and Dix- on's line — States included in the Proclamation, and States not so in- cluded. In the included States there are this day no slaves. Either the Proclamation was a monstrous sham and a gross imposition on the civilized world, or it was an effective reality. If the latter, there are to-day no