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EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA:

A HISTORY

OF THE

ENGLISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA,

AS TOLD IN THE GOVERNMENT RECORDS, THE WORKS OF OLD TRAVELLERS, AND OTHER

CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD DOWN TO

THE RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA.

C, BT

f. TALBOYS WHEELER,

lATE ASSISTANT SECBETAET TO THE GOTERNMEST OF INDIA IN THE FOEEiaN DEPARTMENT

AUIHOE OF "A HISTORY OF INDIA FROM THE EAELIEST AGES;"

" THE GEOGEAFHY OF HEEODOTUSj" ETC.

CALCUTTA : PUBLISHED BY W. NEWMAN & CO., 3, DALHOUSIE SQUARE.

1878.

CiliCTTTTA :

TKINTED BY THE SUPEKINTENDENT OF GOVEENMENT PElNTINa,

8, HASTINGS STBEET.

PREFACE.

f MHE subject-matter of tlie present volurac is, per- -*- liapSj sufficiently told on the title-page. It may, however, be explained that the compiler was originally employed to report on the records of the Home Department in Calcutta, and intended to confine his extracts to the papers preserved there. As, however, he proceeded with the task it was dis- covered that the value of those records had been much overrated. They were incomplete in them- selves, and not only overloaded with detail, but were mostly written in the verbose style of the eighteenth century. Those of an early date had been destroyed in the great storm of 1737, or were lost at the capture of Calcutta in 1756 by the Nawab of Bengal. Those of a later date throw considerable light upon the progl'ess of affairs during the transition period, when the Company's servants were beginning to exercise a political power in India ; but they do not furnish details as regards the social life of the early English settlers in Bengal, which is still a desideratum in Anglo-Indiaii history.

1

'^y PKEFACE.

The extracts given will suffice to sliow to what extent these records possess an intrinsic interest. In order, however, to complete the usefulness of the volume, and render it of historical value, the com- piler has been led to extend his researches over a T\-ider field. He has collected extracts from the works of old travellers and other contemporary authorities, which bring out the workings of the English element amongst the native population, not only at Calcutta, but at Surat, Bombay, and Madras. Sm'at was perhaps scarcely a settlement; it was only a house or factory. But it was the first factory which the English established in India ; and the pictures furnished by the old travellers, Mandelslo and Fiyer, of English life at Surat in the reigns of Charles the Eii'st and Charles the Second, will pro- bably have a charm for most readers. In Hke manner Fryer's description of Bombay, some twenty years after its cession to the English by the Portuguese, will excite imperial interest. It throws fm'ther light upon that indomitable spirit of English enterprise which has converted a pestilential island into one of the great commercial cities of the world.

As regards Madras, the compiler has had excep- tional sources of information. The old records of the commercial period, which were wanting in Calcutta, have been preserved at Madras. In 1860

PREFACE. V

Sir Charles Trevelyan, then Goyernor of Madras, opened up the records of that Presidency to the compiler for the first time. The result was a publication of a series of extracts from the records ; and these extracts were illustrated, or rather held together, by an explanatory narrative. The work was published in three volumes under the title of "Madras m the Olden Time."

That portion of the present volume which deals with Madras comprises a selection of such Madras records as are likely to interest general readers. Those which are only of local value, and likely to prove tedious to readers outside the Madras Presidency, have been generally excluded. Those which illustrate the primitive system of administration, the old Enghsh life within the walls of Port St. George and Black Town, or the rela- tions between the English residents and native population, have been reproduced in extenso, or in the form of an abridged summary. These again have been supplemented by extracts from the travels of Pryer and Hamilton. Something is thus opened up of the inner state of affairs dur- ing the seventeenth century, and early years of the eighteenth, and the way in which the Company's administration of Madras was regarded by strangers and interlopers.

XT

^

yi PEEFACE.

In dealing with Calcutta the compiler has pro- ceeclcd much on the same jninciple. The absence of records prior to the capture of Calcutta in 1756 has been suppUed by extracts or summaries from contemporary authorities, such as Holwcll, the Syar-ul-Mutakherin, StcTrari's Ilistoiy of Bengal, and otherworks of a like character. The following documents are specially worthy of notice: —

1st. — The letters of certain English envoys who went on a mission from Calcutta to Delhi as far back as 1715. This correspondence was discovered at Madras duriug the investigations of ISCO and 1861.

2ncl. — Extracts from Hamilton's Travels about 1720, which furnish graphic pictures of old Calcutta life, as well as sketches of all the European settlements in Bengal.

3rd. — HolwelFs Narrative of the Tragedy in the Black Hole in 3 756. Holwcll was one of the sufferers in that terrible catastrophe, in which a hundred and twenty-three persons were stifled to death in a small dungeon, whilst only twenty-three lived till the next morning.

Of the remainder of the volume little need be said. It consists of extracts from the Calcutta records strung together by an explanatoiy narrative. There arc some strange and lamentable episodes, such as the quarrel over the inland trade and the massacre at Patna. All, however, may be left to tell theu' own stoiy.

PREFACE. vii

Tlic labour wliicli has been spent upon this volume is beyond all calculation. It cannot be judged by the results, but only from the voluminous records which have been carefully searched but yielded nothing. The time expended, however, will never be regretted should it appear that the in- formation now collected from original or half -for- gotten som'ccs has helped to throw more light upon the rise of British power in India.

J. TALBOYS WHEELER.

Caictttta, The 26 ih December 1S77.

f

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

IXDTA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

A. D. 1600 TO 1700.

Early English settlements ....

Division of India: — Hindustan, Dekhan, Peninsul

Hindus under Muhammadau rule

Afghans and Moghuls .

Moghul Empire in India

Akhar, 1556-1605 .

Policy of Akbar .

Partiality for Hindus and Europeans

Inherent weakness of Moghul rule

Moghul despotism

Land tenures ....

Eenter and husbandman

Proprietory right of the Sovereign

Eights of inheritance refused to office-holder

Life in public

Government in the provinces

Eevenue system

Presents ....

Moghul Court

Eebellions ....

Jehangir, 1605-1627 .

Shah Jehau, 1628-1658

Aurungzeb, 1658 to 1707

Bigotry and hypocrisy

War between the four princes

Eeign of Aurungzeb

Eise of the Mahrattas .

Sivaji, the Mahratta

War against Sivaji

Sivaji at Delhi

Death of Sivaji, 1680 .

Auriingzeb fakes the field

PAGE

1

ib. 2

ib.

3 ib. ib.

4

5 ib.

6 ib.

7 ib.

8 ib.

9

10 ib. 11 12 ib. ib. 13 ib. 14 ib. 15 ib. ib. 16 ib.

COXTENTS.

Persecuting wars against Hindus Wars ia Eajputaua

PAGE

16 17

The Gov

CHAPTER II.

EXGLISH AT SURAT AXD BOMBAY.

A. D. 1600 TO 1700. Early settlement at Surat Hostility of the Portuguese Pomp of the President . Visit of Mandelslo Surat Custom House Entertainment at the English house Order of the English Factory Tea ... . English Garden Amusements at Surat Journey to Ahmadabad Rajput outlaws Ahmadabad

Ahmadabad maintains 12,000 horse His Court His expense .

Mandelslo visits the Governor of Ahmadabad Their discourse

Dinner

A second visit to the Governor

Opium

Character of the Governor of Ahmadabad His crueltj-. Mandeklo leaves Ahmadabad Visit of Fryer to Surat .... The English Factory .... Full of noise .....

The four Chief Offices .... The Company's Servants, and their Salaries The under factories modelled by this The Presidency ..... The advantage of being at the Council . The baseness of the Banians Number of persons in the Factory State of the President .... All places in India subject to the Presidency dities .......

ernor's wealth

with their commo

18 ib. ib. 19 ib. 20 21 22 ib.

ib.

ib. 23 ib. ib. 24 ib. ib. ib. 25 ib. 26 27 28 ib. ib. 29 ib. 30 ib. ib. 31 ib. ib. ib.

32

CONTENTS.

XI

aiust

The investment set on foot in tlie rains This trade managed by a Company better than by Their Freemen greater slaves than their Servants The Charges of the English Company not so gr landers ......

Their Charter put in force The course of the Presidents . The English defend themselves with honour a time ......

The power of the President .

Ill success of the first adventures .

War with Portugal ....

The Company enrich this Port Eudeness of the Mussulman mendicants

Seamen

Subordination of Bombay to Surat

The Town of Bombay ....

Fresh-water springs scarce

Woods of Cocoes

Parell

Salt-pans

Maijm

SalvasoDg

Malabar Hill

Bigness of the island ....

Mixt people

English Government .... Power and state of the President . Unhealthiness of Bombay English women

Longevity of natives and Portuguese .

Misery and mortality of the English

English embassy to Sivaji

OfRciousness of a Chief Minister of State to

Eaii'ee .......

ThehiU

Audience with Sivaji ....

Sivaji weighed in gold ....

Grants the request of the English

The Ambassador summoned to the Coronation

Coronation of Sivaji

The Rajah man-ies a fourth wife .

Sivaji signs the Articles

Value of the foregoing description

eat as

theE

ree-traders

FAGK

32

33

ib.

the

IIol-

Sivii

a second

ndi

ib. ib. 31

ib. ib. ib. 35 ib. 36 ib. ib. 37 ib. ib. 38 ib. ib. ib. ib. 39 ib. ib. ib. 40 ib. ib. 41 42 ib. 43 ib. ib. 44 ib. 45 ib. 46 ib. ib.

xii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER III.

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. A. D. 1600 TO 1677.

Attempts at a settlement on the eastern side of India ... 47

Want of a territory and fortification ...... ib.

Purchase of Madras ib.

Madras founded, 1639 ^ 48

Territory and island . . . ib.

White Town 49

Black Town ib.

Early perils 50

Rise of Madras ib.

Absence of records prior to 1670 ....... ib.

Capture of St. Thome by the Muhammadans of Golkonda . . ib.

Madras in 1672 51

European establishment ........ ib.

Consultations and general letters ....... ib.

Merchants, Factors, Wi-itei's, and Apprentices . . . .52

Private trade and presents . . , . . . . . ib.

Chaplain and Schoolmaster ........ ib.

Administration of justice ........ 53

Native police ib.

Morals 5i

Fryer's visit about 1674 ib.

Went ashore in a boat called a Mussoola ..... ib.

Landed, are well wetted at Fort St. George ib.

The Fort described 55

Neat dwellings 56

Portuguese Chapel ......... ib-

The English masters of Madras ....... ib.

Sir William Langhorn Agent ....... ib.

Number of English and Portugals 57

Black Town ib.

Visited a Pagoda, or Heathen Temple ib.

The English Tombs 58

The English Gardens . . . . . . . . . ib.

What Pawn is 59

Nature of the people ib.

The country ib.

St. Thome 60

History of St. Thomr.s . . ib.

St. Thomas Christians ib.

CONTENTS. Xiii

CHAPTER IV.

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA.

A. D. 1670 TO 1688.

PAGB

" Madras in the Olden Time" 62

Government of Sir William Langhornj 1670-77 . . . . ib.

Frencli invasion .......... ib

Madras in danger ib.

Bobba Sabeb 63

Proposed abandonment of Madras . . . . . . ib-

Surrender of the French 65

Peace with the Dutch ib«

Moral rules at Madras ib.

Low state of morals ......... 66

Reverend Patrick Warner 68

Letter to the Directoi's ib.

Vicious lives . .......... ib.

Drunkenness 69

Popery ib.

Evil marriages . . . ib.

Neglect of public worship ••...... 70

Immorality of the few ......... ib.

Salute at a Catholic Church ........ 71

Mallory and Barnes ib.

Warner's return .......... 72

Change of Governors at Madras ib,

Sivaji, the Mahratta ......... 73

Departure of Sivaji , . . . ib.

Condition of Mysore . . . , ib.

The nose-cutting Raja of Saranpatan ...... 74

Foundation of a Protestant church at Madras . . . .75

Marriages of Protestants and Catholics ib.

Offspring of mixed marriages 76

Oppression of Lingapa ib.

Embargo on Madras 77

Firman from Golkonda .78

Troubles at Madras . . . . . . . . . ib.

Mr. William Gyfford ! 79

Mr. Josiah Child ib.

Local taxes ib.

Resolution of the Dii-ectors 80

Inundation at Madras ib.

Dii'ectors insist on local taxation . . si

XIV

CONTENTS.

Petition of Natives of Madras Proceedings of the Madras Government Slave trade at Madras . . . , Final prohibition of the slave trade Golkonda threatened by Aurungzeb Instructions of the Directors English defy the Sultan of Golkonda

CHAPTER V.

MADRAS UNDER THE MOGHULS.

A. D. 1688 TO 1750. Golliouda conquered by Aurungzeb Destruction of the English Factory at Hughli War between the English and Moghuls - Mr. Channock at Madras .... Nawab of Bengal invites the English to return Madras a Sovereign State .... Qualifications for a Second in Council . Difficulties between the Directors and the Council Form of Municipal Government : Natives mixed with E Discretionary powers . . - . Madras in danger ....

Ilclations between the English and the Moghuls and the Lloghuls capture Golkonda . Madras submits to the JMoghul Application of a Moghul's Life Guardsman

Mahratta ravages

Affairs at Golkonda .... Moghul negotiations .... Presents to the Mahratta Ptaja Mahrattas besiege Pondicherry Mo<'hul Caruatic and Mahratta Carnatic Frontier fortress of Ginjee or Jinji Zulfikar Kban, first Nawab of the Carnatic English settlement at Fort St. David Siege of Jinji by the Moghuls . ; Privations of tlie Moghuls . Troubles at the Moghul camp Mahratta successes ....

Zulfikar Khan straitened for money Nawab expected to attack Madras . Moghuls capture Jinji ....

urope:i

Mah:

■attas

PAOE 81

82 83

85

ib.

87

88 ib. 89 ib. 90 ib. Dl 92 ib. 93 ib. ib. ib. ib. 94 95 96 ib. 97 98 ib. ib. 99 ib. ib. ib.

100 ib. ib.

101 ib.

CONTENTS.

3CV

Nawab's friendship for the English

Batid Khan, second Nawab of the Caj-natic

More demands for money

Resolution of Governor Pitt .

Nawah Daiid Khan gives way

Governor Pitt's hospitality .

Preparation for entertaining the Nawab Daud Khai

The dinner ....

Return to St. Thome

Nawab proposes going ou board the English ships

How prevented

Proposed visit to the Company's garden ; also prevented

Extraordinary demands of Aurungzeb

Moghul ideas of Europeans .

Moghul ships

English pirates .

Moghul threats . .

Preparations of the English .

Khafi Khan's visit to Bombay

Bombay Castle

Bomhay Governor

Demands of the Moghul on Governor Pitt

Commotions at Madras .

Remonstrance of Govenior Pitt

Threats of Nawab Daud Khan

Siege of Madras

February to April .

The English offer terms

Dadd Khan raises the siege .

Death of William III .

Proclamation of Queen Anne .

Destruction of a Moghul army

Eight and left hands

Closer relations with Delhi

Curious trade repoit, 1712

Madras trade in 1712 .

Later records

Changes in marriage laws

Curious will, 1720

Captain HamUtou at Madras .

Site of Madras

Prosperity of Madras during the

Town HaU. and Corporation .

Mayor's Court . ,

PAGE

102

ib. 103

ib. 104

ib.

ib. 105 106

ib.

ib.

ib. 107

ib.

ib. 108

ib. 109

ib.

ib. 110 111

ib. 112

ib. 113

ib.

ib. 114

ib.

ib. 115

ib. 116

ib. 117 118 119 121 124

ib. 125 126

ib.

Xvi CONTENTS.

PAGB

Law at Madras . l'-i7

Pirates ib.

Hamilton's voyage to Siam ib.

Hamilton's grievance 128

Inhabitants of Black Town ' ib.

Goveraor absolute 129

Sea-gate . . ib.

Mint, schools, <S;c ib.

Diamond mines ........ • • 130

Working of the mines ib.

Decrease of trade . . . ib.

Foreign ti-ade ib.

Population ........... 131

St. Thome • . ib.

Legend of St. Thomas ib.

Church at St. Thome . . . .... . . .132

Company's garden . . . ... . . . . ib.

Decay of St. Thome 133

Keorganisatiou of the Mayor's Court ib.

Grotesque procession ......... ib.

Political relations . ib.

Nawab of Arcot 134

Hindu and Moghul administration contrasted . . . . ib.

Breaking up of the Moghul Empire ib.

Growing independence of the Nizam of Hyderabad . . . 135

Dependence of the Nawab of Arcot on the Nizam . . . . ib.

Hereditary Nawabs 136

Troubles in the Carnatic ib.

Mahi-attas at Trichinopoly ib.

Murder of the Nawab . . . * 137

Accession of the Nawab's son ib.

Intervention of the Nizam ib.

Anwar-ud-din 138

Murder of the young Nawab ib.

Anwar-ud-din becomes Nawab ....... ib.

AVar between Great Britain and France 139

Madras captured and i-estored . ib.

Peace in Europe : war in India ib.

Schemes of Dupleix 14<)

Death of the Nizam : war for the succession ..... ib. Chunda Sahib, the French Nawab : Muhammad Ali, the English

Nawab 141

French Nawab set up by Dupleix . ib.

English claimant at Trichinopoly ib.

CONTENTS. xvii

TAQS

Failure of the French claimants to capture Trichinopoly . . 141

Nazir Jung, the English Nizam 142

Triumph of the English Nizam and English Nawab . . . ib.

Revolution and transformation ib.

Murder of the English Nizam : triumph of the French Nizam . ib.

Triumph of the French Nawab 143

Glory of Dupleix ....... . . . ib.

French at Hyderabad under Bussy ib.

Salabat Jung, the French Nizam, cedes the Northern Circars to the

French ib.

English Nawab besieged at Pondicheny 144

Clive relieves Trichinopoly by the capture and defence of Arcot . ib.

Glory of Clive 145

English Nawab at Arcot : French Nizam at Hyderabad . . ib.

CHAPTER VI.

ENGLISH IN BENGAL. A. D. 1640 TO 1750

Moghul obstru'ctiveness ....

Old hatred of the Portuguese

Mussulman complaints against the Portuguese

Revenge of Shah Jehan on Hughll, 1632

English at Piply, 1633 .

English trade duty free, 1640

English factory at Hughli

Saltpetre factory at Patna

Absence of records at Calcutta

War between the sons of Shah Jehan, 1656

Moghul wars for the succession

Invasion of Bengal by the King of Arakan

Ravages of the Eajas of Assam and Cooch B

Amir Jumla, Viceroy of Bengal, 1658 .

Shaista Khan, Viceroy, 1664 .

Punishment of the King of Arakan

Suppression of Portuguese pirates .

Complaints of the English

Commutation of duties ....

Tavernier's journey from Agra to Dacca and Agra .......

Bengal Revenue . . . . " .

Rhinoceros ......

Aurungabad ......

Hughli, 1665-66

147

ib.

ib. 148 149

ib. 150

ib.

ib.

ib. 161

ib. 162

ib.

ib. 163

ib.

ib. 154

ib.

ib.

ib.

ib. 155

xvm

CONTENTS.

River Ganges

Allahabad

Crossing a I'iver

Benares

Patna .

Eajmahal

Parting from Bernier

Crocodiles

Dacca .

Visits the N"awab .

Hospitalities

Hughli

Ta vernier's grievances

Persecution of Hindus, 1680

Jezya demanded from Europeans

The English oppressed .

Mr. Job Channock

Ibrahim Khan, Nawab, 1689. Foundation of Calcutta

Loss of the saltpetre trade

Hindu rebellion in Bengal, 1696

Azim-u-shan, Viceroy, 1696 .

Fortification of Calcutta

English hold the rank of Zemindar

Objections over ruled

Murshed Kuli Khan, Nawab, 1707

Zemindars oppressed

Employment of new collectors

Remeasurement of lands

Subsistence allowances to Zemindars

Zemindars of Bhirbhum and Kishnagh

Submission of Tipperah, Cooch Behar, and Assam

Administration of justice

Despotic powers ....

Rajas refused seats

Zemindars prohibited palanquins .

Reasons for employing only Bengalis

Story of Raja Oudy Narain .

Zemindari of Rajeshahi

Daily audit of accounts

Torture of Zemindars .

Cruelties of the Deputy Dewan

Demands of Mui-shed Kuli Khan upon the English

The Govei'nor sets aside the privileges of the Engl

English embassy to Delhi, 1715

exempted

sh, 1713

CONTENTS.

XIX

Delhi unknown to tlie English at Calcutta Records of the embassy preserved at Madras . Farrukh Siyar made Emperor by the two Sayyids Khan Dauran hostile to the two Saj'yids Extracts from the Madras records . Reception of the English embassy at Delhi Embassy advised by Zoudi Khan . Breach between the Emperor and the two Saj-yids Husain sent to be Viceroy of the Dekhan Daud Khan ordered to cut off Husain . Expected ruptui-e ......

Return of the Emperor to Delhi

Sickness of Farrukh Siyar ....

Death of Daud Khan .....

Marriage of Farrukh Siyar to the daughter of the English surgeon rewarded ....

Business of the embassy delayed by the marriage Slow progress ......

Mutiny of the Moghul army at Delhi . Arrest and massacre of the Sikhs at Delhi Strange procrastination and forgetfulness of Khan More delays .....

Fighting at the Moghul Court

Alarm of the Moghul .

Farewell audience ....

Troubles of the English doctor

Death of Hamilton : inscription on his tomb

Bloody quarrels at Delhi

Murder of the Emperor Farrukh Siyar

Captain Hamilton's account of the Engl

1720

Ruin of Piply by the removal to Hugli and Calcutta Coxe's and Sagor Islands Anchorage at Rogue's River . Danish house ....

Calcutta, Juanpardoa, and Radnagur

Pon jelly

Tanna Fort

Govemapore ..... Settlement at Calcutta by Job Channock Despotic power of Mr. Channock . Story of Mr. Channock's native wife Fort William and English houses . Story of Sir Edward Littleton

Jodli

Daur

;h settlements

1690

pur Ri

aja

in Bengal,

FAGB

170 171

ib.

ib.

ib.

ib. 172 174 175

ib.

ib. 176

ib.

ib. 177

ib.

ib. 178 179 180

ib. 182

ih.

ib. 183

ib. 184 185

ib.

186

ib. 187

ib. 188

ib.

ib.

ib.

ib! 189

ib.

ib. 190

ib.

XX		CONTENTS.
pxsa
Mr. Weldon 190
Scandals about bribes			. 191
Divine Service .......			. ib.
Governor's house			. ib.
Hospital, garden, and fish-ponds ....			. ib.
Docks on the opposite bank . . . ...			192
Social life of the English in Bengal			ib.
English soldiers			. ib.
Transit duties levied by petty Kajas			193
Different religious ......			ib.
Injustice of the English Governors			ib.
Story of Captain Pen-in and Governor Sheldon			ib.
Hamilton's interference .....			194
Story of the Persian -wine .....			195
Territory and population of the Company's settlement			ib.
Barnagul			ib.
Danish colony .......			ib.
Danish and French Companies			196
Dutch factory at Chin sura .....			ib.
Hughli			ib.
Cossimbazar .					197
Murshedabad					ib.
Malda .					ib.
Patna .					ib.
Benares .		. > .			198
Dacca .					ib.
Chittagong .					199
Sundiva					ib.
A hundred pagans to one Mussulman			ib.
Lightness of Moghul taxation ....			200
Hamilton's imperfect information ....			ib.
Death of Murshed KuU Kban ....			ib.
Rise of Aliverdi Khan			ib.
Raja of the Chukwars			201
Independence of the old Eaja : submission of the j'oung	Raja		ib.
Treachery of Aliverdi Khan			ib.
Persian invasion under Nadir Shah, 1738-39			202
Afghan conquest of Persia ; rise of Nadir Shah			203
Causes of the Persian invasion of India .			ib.
Incapacity, corruption, and treachery			204
Massricre, outrage, and spoliation ....			205
Breaking up of the Moghul Empire			ib.
State of Bengal .......			206
The Seits or Hindu	bani	lers .....			ib.

CONTENTS.

XXI

Lawlessness of the Nawab

Conspiracy .....

Rebellion of Aliverdi Khan, 17J.1-42

Usurpation of Aliverdi Khan, 1742

Mahrattas invade Bengal, 1742-50

War between England and France, 1744

Peace between English and French in India,

1754

P4GH

207

ib.

ib. 208

ib.

ib. 209

CHAPTER VII.

CALCUTTA AND ITS CAPTURE.

A. D. 1750 TO 1756. state of Calcutta, 1750-56 . Mahratta ditch ....

Population

Calcutta of 1752 and 1876 compared European element at Calcutta Trade at Calcutta ....

Social life

Native life, Hindu and Muhammadan

English supreme within the Company's bounds

Administration of justice amongst the English

Administration of justice amongst the Natives

Revenue of the English at Calcutta

Total revenue .......

General use of cowries

The Kotwal or head of police ....

Subordinate factories ......

Changes in the transaction of business : abolition of like Omichund .... , .

Suraj-u-daula, Nawab, 1756 .....

Capture of the English factory at Cossimbazar Capture of Calcutta ......

Holwell's narrative of the tragedy of the Black Hole DifBculty in writing the narrative Importance of Holwell's narrative Tranquillity of mind on the voyage to England State of the prisoners on the evening of the capture Factory in flames .......

Bravery of Mr. Leech

Prisoners driven through the barracks into the Black Hole Eight o'clock ....

The situation ....

contractors

212

ib. 213

ib. 214 215 216 217 218

ib. 219 220 222 223

ib. 224

ib. 225

226

ib. 227

ib. 228

ib.

ib. 229 230

ib. 231

ib.

j^xii CONTEXTS.

PAes

Despair -31

Necessity for tranquillity 232

Fearful prospect i^-

Bribing the Jemadar : the Nawab asleep ib.

Perspiration ........... 233

Expedients for relief ib.

Nine o'clock ib.

EfiBu^-ia 234

"NVater ib-

Sad results ib-

Ravings • 235

Diversion of the guards ......... ib.

Eleven o'clock . ib.

Eank and distinction forgotten ib.

Centre of the Black Hole 236

The platform . . ib.

Death of Mr. Eyre ib.

Insupportable thirst ......... ib.

Thirst increased by water 237

Strange refieshment ......... ib.

Delirium 238

Suffocation ........... ib.

Half-past eleven till two o'clock in the morning .... 239

Suicidal temptation . . . . . . . . . ib.

Mr. and Mrs. Carey ib.

Death of Mr. Carey 240

Stupor ib.

Loss of sensation .......... ib.

Interval of unconsciousness ........ ib.

Carried to the window ......... 241

Recovery of consciousness . ib.

Release ordered . . ib.

Restoration ib.

Slow opening of the door 242

Demands of the Nawab for hidden treasure ib.

Callous Nawab . ib.

Nawab inexorable . . . . • . • . . . ib.

Severe treatment 243

]?eason for the Nawab's cruelty ib.

Further sufferings ib-

Iron fetters 244

Embark for Murshedabad ib.

Sufferings on the voyage ib.

Poor diet a presen'ation ib.

CONTENTS. xxiii

PAGB

Application to the Dutcli at Cliinsura 245.

Ridiculous incident ......... ib.

Refractory Zemindar ......... ib

Attack on the Zemindar ib.

Holwell di-agged through the sun 246

Submission of the Zemindar ib,

Return march .......... ib.

Re-embarkation 247

Small mercies ib.

Humanity of Mr. Law, Chief of the French factory at Cossimbazar . ib.

Over-indulgence ib.

AiTival at Murshedabad 248

March through the city ib.

More sufferings ib.

Fever and gout . ib.

Humanity of the French and Dutch ...... ib.

Mention of Warren Hastings 249

Better news . ib.

Hope of release ib.

Conducted to the Nawab's palace ....... ib.

No audience .•••...... ib.

Disappointments .......... 250

Fears of the worst . . • ib.

Despair ...•••.-.,. ib.

Release ib.

Explanations . 251

Conclusion ..... ■••... ib.

Demolition of the Black Hole in 1818 ...... ib.

Appearance of the Black Hole in 1812 ...... ib.

List of the sufferers in the Black Hole 252

CHAPTER VIII.

FIRST GOVERNMENT OP CLIVE. A. D. 1757 TO 1760.

Calcutta recovered, January 1757. Colonel Clive Governor

Attitude of the Nawab

Defeat of the Nawab by Clive, February 1757

Objections to peace

Lavish promises of the Nawab

Difficulties with the French at Chandemagore

Increase of French influence in the Dekhan uuder Bussy

254

ib. 255

ib. 256

ib.

ib.

XXIV

CONTENTS.

Capture of Chandernagore

The Nawab inclines towards the French .

Alarming proceedings of the Nawab

Difficulties of Clive ....

French and English in Bengal

Native conspiracy at Murshedabad .

Clive makes terms with the conspirators

Victory at Plassey, May 1757

Clive makes Meer Jaffier Nawab : presents and compensation

Joy and triumph at Calcutta .

Wealth of Clive . . ' .

Meer Jaffier drives the Hindus into rebellion

Nawab of Oude threatens Bengal . .

Clive averts the danger ....

Difficult position of Clive

Authority of the Nawab exercised by Clive

Mahrattas' and Moghuls' court : Clive .

Euin of the French interest in the Dekhan

The Shahzada threatens Bengal

Defeated by Clive

War with the Dutch ....

Meer Jaffier frightened ....

Clive returns to England, 1760

Policy of CUve : his letter to Pitt ,

Clive offered the post of Dewan by the Moghul Court : n

refusing .....

Previous scheme of Colonel Mill . Clive's ideas of conquest Pitt's objections .....

for

PAOB

257 ib.

258 ib.

259

ib.

260 ib. ib.

261 ib.

262 ib.

ib. 263

ib. 264

ib. 265

ib.

266 ib.

267 ib.

268 ib.

270 ib.

CHAPTER IX.

CALCUTTA RECORDS : CHANGING NAWABS

A. D. 1760 TO

Critical state of Bengal Governors Hohvell and Vansittart . Bengjil threatened ...

Nawab Jaffier deposed . . c Installation of Nawab Cossim Invasion repelled .... llecords of the Home Office at Calcutta Designs of Meer Cossim yhah Alam at Patna

1763

271

272

ib.

ib. 273

ib.

ib.

ib. 271

CONTENTS.

XXV

PAGB

Englisli propose conducting Shah Alam to Delhi .... 275

Afghan influences predominating at Delhi ib.

Extracts from Calcutta records ....... ib.

King Shah Alam returns towards Delhi ; fails to obtain the help of

the English

Designs of Nawab Cossim upon the King .... Designs of the English upon the King ..... The English apply to Shah Alam for other sunnuds Also for sunnuds for their Nawab at Arcot .... Designs of Nawab Cossim against the Hindu grandees . Non-interference with the Nawab's servants : question as regards

Ram Narain

Major Carnac and Colonel Coote wished to protect Kam Narain

Governor of Behar, against Meer Cossim ... Regrets the dispute wit& Colonel Coote .....

Miscellaneous incidents

Troubles in Burma ...'....

I^istress amongst French families in Bengal . .

State of affairs with the Dutch

Remonstrance with the Dutch respecting the West Coast

Deputation of Mr. Warren Hastings to Nawab Meer Cossim

question of the twenty lakhs, 17(52

Disputes in the Calcutta Council ......

Charge of treachery against Ram Churn : suspected forgery . Bequests of Omichund to the Magdalen House and Foundling Hospital ..........

Despatches from the Court of Directors reviewing events News of Shah Alam received via St. Helena ....

Circumstances under which the Directors would have helped Shah Alam ..........

Remarks of the Directors on Bengal revolutions in general . Colonel Calliaud charged with an attempt to assassinate the Shah

zada ib-

Punishment if guilty 287

Other Europeans, if implicated, to be punished in like manner ib.

Complaints of the heavy cost of revolution ib.

Tranquillity in Bengal most desirable 288

Revenue of fifty lakhs yearly under the treaty with Meer Cossim

most satisfactory ......... ib.

Real cause of the massacre of the English in Burma . . . 289 Highly dissatisfied with the disputes in the Calcutta Council . . ib. Further despatches to the Court of Directors .... 290

Results of the mission of Warren Hastings to Meer Cossim . . ib. Proposed alliance with the Raja of Munipur against the King of

Burma 291

ib.

277 ib.

278 ib.

279

ib-

281

ib.

ib.

ib. 282

ib.

ib.

283 ib.

284

ib.

285

ib.

ib.

286

^^y[ CONTENTS.

PAGE

Application of Shah Alam for help to recover Delhi . . . 291

Replj' to Shah Alam : Mr. Vansittart proposes seeing the King at

Monghyr 292

Mr. Vansittart will also conciliate Meer Cossini . . . . ib.-

Further enquiries about Earn Churn : implication of Nundcoomar

in the forgery .......... ib.

Dangerous character of Nundcoomar 293

Despatches from the Directors ib.

Highly gratified with the general tranquillity and prosperity . . ib.

An advance to Delhi would be most injudicious : the best policy is

isolation and neutrality ........ 294

Nawab Meer Cossim ought to have been better supported in claim- ing the sunnuds for Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, from Shah Alam 295

Approve of the refusal of the Dewani offered by Shab Alam : in- gratitude of the King ib.

Surprised at the unwarrantable demand of twenty lakhs from the

Nawab 296

Full apologies to be tendered to the Nawab in the name of the

Company ib.

Weak capacity of Mr. Vansittart ....... 297

CHAPTER X.

CALCUTTA RECORDS : PRIVATE TRADE,

A. D. 1763.

Bengal gomastas . • • 298

Private trade ib.

Extension of private trade inland ib.

English flag and dustuck 299

Native respect for the English ib.

Native agents or gomastas 300

Complaints against the gomastas ib.

Pretensions of Nawab Cossim 301

Recriminations between the English and the Nawab's officers re- specting the inland trade ........ 302

Discussion in the Board : all the Directors summoned to Calcutta . 303

Meeting of the fidl Board at Calcutta 304

Consultations, 15th February : Majors Adams and Carnac summoned ib.

Measures for preventing disorders during the interval . . . ib. Consultations, 19th February : translation ordered of all Firmans,

Husboolhookums, and Treaties ib.

Consultations, 22nd February: matter in dispute reduced to

questions . 305

Consultations, 1st March : majority agreed on the freedom from all

duties : cede the duty on salt to the Nawab . . . . ib.

CONTEXTS. XXvii

PAGK

Merits of the question submitted to the Directors .... 306 Consultations, 5th March : regulations for the mutual restraint of

English agents and the Nawab's servants ..... ib.

Mr. Vansittart's correspondence with the Nawab, 7th IMarch . . 307

Deputation of Messrs. Amyatt and Hay to the Nawab . . . ib. Question of corresponding through the President or through the

whole Board 308

Abolition of all duties by the Nawab, 22nd March . . . . ib. Consultations, 24th March : determination to remonstrate with the

Nawab 309

Consultations, 80th March : Nawab refuses to receive the deputation ib. Consultations, 1st April : deputation sent to Monghj'r : Nawab

told that his refusal might bring on a rupture . . . . ib. Consultations, 11th April : Nawab persistently refuses to receive

the deputation 310

Nawab asked for definite charges against Mr. Ellis . . . ib. Court of Directors condemn the Calcutta Board . . . .311

The Nawab to be informed accordingly ...... ib.

Colonel CaUiaud honorably acquitted ...... 312

Disapproval of every measure taken against the Nawab . . . ib.

All the Nawab's gi'ievances to be redressed ib.

Impatient for further intelligence 313

Private trade the chief cause of all the misunderstandings with the

Nawab ib.

All inland trade to be abolished ....... ib.

Export and import trade alone to be duty free . . . . ib.

AU agents to be abolished. All trade to be carried on through the

Company's factories ......... 314

All persons acting contrary to orders to be dismissed the service . ib.

Nundcoomar to be kept under surveillance ..... ib.

Glad that no help was given to the Raja of Munipur . . . 315

Current errors .......... ib.

Treaties only hurried agreements ....... 316

Necessity for a dictator ......... ib.

Suspects the English ......... ib.

Reliance of the Hindu grandees 317

CHAPTER XL

CALCUTTA RECORDS : PATNA MASSACRE.

A. D. 1763.

English audacity 318

Ill-timed mission to Monghyr ib.

Imperious action of the English 319

XXVIU

CONTENTS.

Terrible results

Mr. Amjatt leaves Patna . English factory at Patna

Diaries at Patna

Anniversary dinner of battle of Plassey

Contemplated attack on the town of Patna

Patna taken and lost

Flight of the English towards Oude

Surrender of the English to Meer Cossim

Diary of an English prisoner at Patna

News from Monghyr

Murder of Mr. Amyatt and Ensign Cooper

Nawab at Monghyr

Murder of Europeans .

Nawab marches from Monghyr to Patna

Horrible rumours ....

Diary of Mr. Fullerton, sole survivor

Massacre at Patna by Souiru

Excuses and threats of the Nawab

Flight of the Nawab

Escape of Dr. Fullerton

Euin of Meer Cossim .

Decisive battle of Buxar, 1764

Restoration of Meer Jaffier .

F;lGE

319

ib.

ib. 320

ib.

ib.

ib. 321 322

ib.

ib.

ib. 323 324

ib.

ib.

ib. 325 326

ib.

ib. 327

ib. 328

CHAPTER XIT.

SECOND GOVERIfllENT OF CLIYE.

A. D. 1765 TO 1767.

Plans of Lord Clive 329

Setting up an infant Nawab ........ ib.

Forestalled by Governor Spencer 330

A puppet Nawab and Native Mentor ...... ib.

Complaints of the new Nawab . ib.

Wrath of Lord Clive 331

Provisional measures ......... ib-

Treaty with the King and Nawab Vizier 332

Settlement of Oude ......... ib.

Conflicting policy of Spencer and Clive ib.

Objects of Clive 333

Restoration of Oude to the Nawab : proNision for the King . . ib*

CONTENTS.

XXIX

g's Dewan the Company

The Dewani of Bengal, Behar, and Oiissa

Provision for the Nawab Nazim .....

Exposition of the policy by the Select Committee at Calcutta

Existing status ....

Necessity for accepting the Dewani

Prospective advantages .

Self-preservation ....

Approval of the Court of Directors

Sentiments .....

Danger of the crisis

Definition of the office and power of Kiu

Limitations of the authority exercised by

Death of the Nawab Nazim

Eeport of the Select Committee

Private trade ....

Mutiny of the Civil Servants

Outsiders from Madras

Opposition of Bengal Civilians

Determination of Clive .

Mutiny of the Bengal Military Ofiicers

Abolition of double batta

Triumph of Clive . . •

Lord Clive leaves India, 1767

Policy for the future

Authority of the Nawab of Bengal reduced to a shadow

Nawab to be retained to satisfy foreign nations

Revenue not to be increased; evil of a drain of silver

No ofiensive wars, except for the defence of Bengal, Allahabad, and

Oude

Political relations with Shuja-u-daula, the Nawab Vizier of Oude Three powers alone worthy of attention : the Vizier, the King, and

the Mahrattas .......

Mahrattas divided into two states, Poona and Nagpur

Mahrattas of Nagpur, i. e., Berar, to be reconciled by a grant of

chout .... Mahrattas of Poona, i. e., Western Dekhan, to be overawed by an

alliance with the Nazim

Objections of the Court of Directors ....

No security to be obtained by alliances with Native princes

The Nizam not to be supported as a balance of power against the

Mahrattas .......

Failure of the foreign policy of isolation .

Failure of the domestic policy of " double government "

Puppet sovereignties throughout India .

Clive's system perfect in theory ....

pAoa 333 334 335

ib.

ib. 336 337

ib. 338

ib.

ib.

ib. 339

ib. 340

ib, 341

ib. 342

ib.

ib.

ib. 343

ib.

ib.

ib.

344

34.5 ib.

346 ib.

347

ib.

348

ib.

ib.

ib. 349

ib. 351

XXX

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIII.

BEGINNING OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION.

A. D. 1767 TO 1770.

ity

Impossible in practice ......

Mr. Yerelst, Governor of Bengal : advanced policy

Character of Verelst

Eevolutions of a decade, 1757-67 . Verelst's experiences of the mercantile period . Sudden accession of the English to wealth and powe Era of peace .......

Experimental political system of Lord Clive .

The puppet King at Allahabad

The pageant Nawab Nazim ....

Eelations between the Company and the Nizamut Experience of Native administration

Plans of Verelst •

Evils of the Native administration

Ignorance of the English ....

Continued monopoly of inland trade

Helplessness of the Native administration

Verelst's memorandum .....

Rise of English power and decline of Native author

Character of the Bengalis ....

Weakness of the Native goverament

Mercantile training of the Company's servants

Sudden rise to political power

Conflicting authority of the English and the Nizamut

Interference forbidden

Evil results .......

General decay. Obligation of the English to the people

Appointment of English Supra-visors

Danger of interfering with the Nizamut

The middle way ......

Duties of Supra-visors training for higher posts Abuses under the existing system . English Members of Council to cease trading iu Ben Permanent value of Verelst's observations Causes of existing evils .....

Want of control ......

Supreme authority lodged iu the hands of one or a Ignorance of the English ....

Host of Native dependents ....

Venality .

of Beniral

PAOX

351 352

ib. 353

ib.

ib. 354

ib. 355

ib.

356

ib. 357

ib. 358

ib.

ib. 359

ib. 360

ib.

ib. 361

ib. 362

ib.

ib. 363

ib.

ib. 364

ib. 365

ib. 366

ib.

ib.

ib.

ib.

367

CONTENTS.

XXXI

Collusions of collectors and zemindars .

Oppression of gomastas

Summing up of the case

Peremptory order against interference .

Sanction of Directors to Supra- visors

Necessity for interference

Secret corruption and oppression .

Necessity for promoting cultivation and nature of trade

Conflicting state of the three ceded districts

Administration extended to all of the provinces

Extent of the work ....

Imperfect knowledge ....

Eelations between the Supra-visors resident at Murshedabad

Native administration of justice

Leases to ryots .....

Other' reforms .....

Control of Kazis and Brahmins

Registration of sunnuds

Forfeit of caste .....

Oppressions of zemindars . ...

Drain of silver ; its causes

Non -return of specie ....

Vast exports of silver

Threatened ruin of Bengal

Rise in the value of rupees

Views of Verelst on foreign affairs .

Prostration of the Moghul Empire

Weakness of Native powers .

English victories .....

Discordancy of Native princes

English holding the balance in Hindustan

Character of situation of Native powers

The King Shah Alam ....

Anxiety of the King to go to Delhi

Necessity for retaining the King at Allahabad

Superior advantage of the King removing to Bengal

Shuja-u-daula, Nawab Vizier of Oude .

Proposed dethronement of the Nizam .

Grant of a blank firman to the English for the Subahdarship Dekhan ......

Regrets of Verelst

Directors cancel the firman ....

Departure of Verelst .....

Possibility of an English empire over Hindustan

Failure of the scheme of Supra-visors .

of the

FAOiC

367

ib.

ib.

ib.

368

ib.

ib.

369

ib.

ib.

ib.

370

ib.

ib.

371

372

ib.

ib. 373

ib.

ib. 374

ib.

ib. 375 376

ib.

ib. 377

ib. 378

ib.

ib. 379 380

ib.

ib. 381

382 ib.

383 ib. Ib.

384

EAELY RECORDS

OF

BRITISH I^N^DIA

CHAPTER I.

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. A. D. 1600 TO 1700.

THE three Ens^lish Presidencies of Madras, Cal- Eariy En-usu ^ ' settlements.

cutta, and Bombay Tvere founded in the seven- teenth century, during the reigns of Charles the Eirst, Oliver Cromwell, and Charles the Second. The records of British India consequently begin in the seventeenth century. Before describing their subject matter, it may be as well to glance at the existing state of India ; to present, as it were, an outline picture of India in the seventeenth century.

India is an inverted triangle. Its northern boun- Division of

India : —

dary is formed by the Himalayas ; its western and San?"' eastern sides are washed by the Indian Ocean and ^^""''"''* the Bay of Bengal. It is divided into three belts or zones, which may be described as Hindustan, the Dekhan, and the Peninsula. Hindustan is in the north ; the Dekhan in the middle ; the Peninsula in the south. These three zones are separated from ea h other by lines running east to west, or west to

2 EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

east, along two rivers, and reaching to the sea on either side. The line of the Kerbudda river sepa- rates Hindustan from the Dekhan ; the line of the Kistna river separates the Dekhan from the Penin- sula/ Hindus nnder In the Seventeenth century the people of India

Muhammadan

rule. practically consisted of Hindus and Mu ham ma dans.

The bulk were Hindus ; they were the subject race. The Muhammadaus were comparatively few, but they were the ruling power. They had begun to in- vade India in the eleventh century. In the begin- ning of the seventeenth century they had established their dominion in Hindustan ; they had founded kingdoms in the Dekhan ; they had not as yet con- quered the Peninsula. The Hindus were still mas- ters in the Peninsula.

Afehansand Thc Muhammadaus vfere not all of the same race.

Uoghalg.

They comprised Afghans and Moghuls; accordingly there was a race antagonism' between the two. -j— The Afghans were bigoted Muhammadaus ; they were intolerant of Hindu idolatrv; thev had tried to force the Koran upon the people of India by war and persecution. In the sixteenth century tljeir -f empire had been overturned by the Moghuls. The Moghuls were lax and indifferent in matters of reli-

* Politically the boundary between Hindustan and the Dekhan is formed by the Viudbya range of mountains. Geographically the line of the Ner- budda river is preferable. It has the Vindhya mountains on its northern bank, whilst its southern bank is formed by the Satpura range.

^ Besides the Afghan element there was a Turkish element. There is no necessity in the present work to indicate any distinctive marks between Turks and Afghans, or between Turks and Moghuls,

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUHY. 3

giou ; they called themselves Muhammadans, but \- many were Muhammadans only in name.

The Mosrhul emph'e in India had been the sfrowth Mo-hui empire

^ I o in India.

of the sixteenth century. Baber and Humayun were the early Moghul conquerors. Their reigns are of no moment. The real founder of the Moghul empire was the celebrated Akbar. This semi-en- lightened barbarian introduced a policy under which the discordant elements of Moghul, Afghan, and Hindu were quieted down, and the whole were moulded into one empire.

The reign of Akbar has been re swarded as a Akbar. ^^

. . 1556-1605. \

golden era m the history of India. He was a true Moghul, a descendant of Timur and Chenghiz Khan. He had the instincts of a warrior and a king. He established his empire over Hindustan, the Punjab, and Cabul ; but he is best known by his policy. He abandoned the religious bigotry which had hitherto characterised Muhammadan rule in India. He was tolerant in religious matters, like the ancient Romans. At the same time he sought to be honoured as a deity, like the Roman ^1 emperors. This system of toleration was adopted by his son and grandson. During all three reigns it was the mainstay of the empire. It will be seen hereafter that it was abandoned by his great-grand- son Aurungzeb for a policy of intolerance. The bigotry of Aurungzeb brought about the decline of Moghul rule.

The policy of Akbar and his immediate success- pouoy of Akbar. ors has rarely been understood. It was that of

4 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Chengliiz Khan, tlie llogliul hero of the thirteenth century. According to the old laws of Chenghiz Khan, every religion was to he tolerated that ac- knowledged the worship of one God. AckhaFactec on this policy. At the same time he was imhued with all the curiosity of a Moghul. He had a keen relish for religious discussion. He studied Brah- manism, Parsi worship, and Christianity. He hroke up the authority of the Ulama, the collective hody of Muhammadan lawyers and doctors, who often controlled the sovereign hy appeals to the Koran. He threw off all the trammels of the Koran. He left men to follow their own religion, hut wished them to pay him divine honours as a re- presentative of deity. It is evident that he was a had Muhammadan. But the result of his policy was that the Moghul empire was not endangered hy religious antagonism. During the reigns of Akhar and his immediate successors, men of every religion dwelt in peace under Moghul rule. To all outward appearance the empire of the Moghul in India was as permanent as that of any European power. r.irtiaiity for Akhar carrlcd his policv to an extreme. He

liiimii.s and ■•■ *'

made friends with Hindu princes ; he appointed them to high commands ; he took their daughters to be his wives. He entertained European gunners and artisans. These instincts have been common to Moghul princes from a very early period. Marco Polo tells of similar doings in the court of Kuhlai Khan ; similar proclivities have long been at work

Europeans.

>

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 5

in the present day at the court of the King of Burma.

But notwithstandinfij these outward sii^ns of inherent

"-" '-' weakneas of

intelligence, the Moghul empire in India was poll- ^loghuiruic. tically weak. It was held together, not by common loyalty, but by mutual fear. There was much display of outward show and form ; but there was no real strength in the body politic. It was always exposed to rebellions from within and in- vasions from without. These conditions are to be found in all Moghul empires. They are not dis- tracted by religious antagonisms ; but they are only held together by a system of intrigue and terrorism. They lack those bonds of patriotism - and public spirit which alone secure the permanence of empires, whether Asiatic or European. The empu'es of Chenghiz Khan and Timur were of this type ; so is the existing Moghul rule in Upper Burma ; and so was the Moghul empire in India. Such empires may dazzle the world for a few generations; they generally perish in wars and revolutions. They leave nothing behind that can be called history. Family chronicles and court memoirs have been written to order by court scribes and parasites for the glorification of monarchs and their ancestors ; but to this day our only reliable knowledge of the religion and civilisation of the Moghuls is to be derived from the testimony of contemporary European residents or travellers.

The Moghul dominion in India was an absolute Moghui des-

" potisni,

and irresponsible despotism. The will of the sovc-

6

EARLY RECOEDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Land tenures.

Renter and haBbaudinan.

reign or Padishah^ was law, and above all law. In theory, he was master of the life and property of every one of his subjects. He could imprison, flog, torture, mutilate, confiscate, or execute at will. There was no independent force to over-ride his whim ; nothing but fear of rebellion or assassina- tion. There were public Durbars, but no one ven- tured to dispute the will of the sovereign. There was no hereditary nobility, except amongst the Hindus. There was no public opinion worthy of the name ; the voice of the people was rarely raised except in flattery of the Padishah. As far as the Moghul grandees were concerned, the Padishah was the sole proprietor of the soil, the sole inheritor of wealth, the sole fountain of honour. Hereditary rights were only possessed by Hindus, or by the lower classes. When the empire was at its zenith, all rights were often outraged or ignored; when the empire began to decline, rights began to har- den into institutions.

The following remarks of Robert Orme, the con- temporary historian of British India, furnish sucli an exact insight into the tenure of land, and nature of property generally, under Moghul rule, that they are extracted at length : —

" We see in ttose parts of Hindustan, which are frequented by European nations, the customs or laws which regard lauds

1 The Moghul sovereign was known to Europeans as the King, the Em- peror, or the Great Moghul. In India he was universally known as the Padishah. Abul Fazl gives the following meaning to the terra Padishah : "'Pad,' "he says, " signifies stability and possession ; ' Shah ' means ' origin or lord." See preface to the Ain-i-Akbari, translated by Professor Blochmann, of Calcutta,

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 7

subject to contradictions, not easily reconcileaLle. The hus- bandman who possesses a few fields has the power of selling and bequeathiug- them, at the same time that the district in which these fields are included is annually let out by the Government to a renter who pays a certain sum o£ money to the lord of the country, and receives from the cultivator a certain part of his harvests. The renter sometimes quarrels with the husbandman, and displaces him from his possessions. Clamours as against the highest degree of injustice ensue. The prince interferes and generally redresses the poor man, who has so much need of support in such a cause of misery ; and if he fails to give this proof of his inclination to justice, he is held in execration, and deemed capable of any iniquity.

" In all the countries absolutely subjected, the Great Proprietory

11 1 1 1 1 • right of the

Moghul styles himself proprietor of all the lands, and gives Sovereign, portions of them at will as revenues for life to his feudatories; but still these grants take not away from the cultivator the right of sale and bequest. The policy of all the Indian gov- ernments in Hindustan, as well as that of the Great Moghul, seems to consist more in a perpetual attention to prevent any one family from obtaining great possessions, than in the in- tention of multiplying oppressions upon the body of the peo- ple ; for such slavery would soon leave the monarch little grandeur to boast of, and few subjects to command. As all acquisitions of land are subject to the inspection of the gov- ernment, the man who should attempt to make himself pro- prietor of a large estate in land would be refused the certi- ficates necessary to put him in possession, and would be marked as a victim necessary to be sacrified to the policy of the State. From what we see in the histories of this and other Eastern countries, the violences committed among the great lead us to think that the man of more humble condi- tion is subject to still greater violences, when, on the contrary, this humility is the best of protections.

" The feudatory, by the acceptance of a certain title and Eights of in-

., . I'l ••i.i 11 j.i/--ij_ heritance refused

the pension which accompanies it, acknowledges the Great to office-holders. Moghul his heir. No man, from the Vizier downwards, has

8 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

any tiTist of importance reposed in him but on these terms ; and on his decease, the whole of his property that can be found is seized for the use of the Emperor, who gives back to the family what portion he pleases. The estates of all who are not feudatories descend to the natural heirs."

Life in public. The Mogliul Padislialis of Hindustan spent half tlieir time in public ; tliis "was tlie one popular element in tlieir rule. ' They received petitions and administered justice in public. They gave audi- ences in open Durbars. They publicly inspected horses, elephants, troops, arms, accoutrements, jewels, decorations, furniture, cattle and animals of all kinds, goods and chattels of every descrip- tion. They delighted in hunting expeditions, after the old Moghul fashion which has prevailed since the days of Nimrod. They delighted in public fights between animals and gladiators, after the manner of the later Eoman emperors. Akbar took great pains in the administration of justice ; he was anxious for the welfare of the people. Keither his son Jchangir, nor liis grandson Shah Jehan, cared anything for the people. They were greedy only of flattery and riches. They lavished enormous sums on harem establishments, jewels, palaces, mausoleums, and tented pavilions. Meanwhile they often hoarded up vast sums in the palace vaults of Delhi and Agra.

The Moghul empire was divided into some twenty or thirty provinces. The governors of provinces collected revenue, administered justice, and kept the country under militarv comniAud. The j]rovcrnor

r.ovcmmcnt in the provinces.

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 9

of a province was known as the Nawab or Su- balidar. All appointments were supposed to be made direct by the Padishah ; none were valid until they had been confirmed by the royal letters and in- signia of investiture. It is scarcely worth while to map out the provinces. Their limits were sometimes chano:ed at the will of the Padishah. Sometimes three or four were placed under a prince of the blood as viceroy. All, or nearly all, comprehended large tracts under Hindu Eajas. Sometimes the Moghuls invaded the territories of the Hindu Eajas. But many Hindu princes maintained their inde- pendence down to the last days of the empire.

The revenue system of the Moghuls was a series Revenue system. of struggles and compromises. In theory there was order and regularity ; in practice there was disorder and uncertainty. The cultivators were known as Hyots ; the middle man, who farmed or rented the land, was known as the Zemindar. Prom the Hyot to the Nawab or Subahdar there was a constant con- flict of interests. The Hyots were often treated as serfs. The Ryot sought to appropriate the harvest without the knowledge of the Zemindar. The Ze- mindar's servants mounted guard over the Uyot and hoodwinked the Governor. The Governor played the same game in turn. The Padishah secured his own share of the revenue by appointing a Dewan to every province. The Dewan was supposed to keep the accounts ; to remit the royal share to the imperial treasury. The Dewan was independent of the Su- bahdar ; so far he was a clicck upon the Subahdar.

10

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Generally, tlie Dewan was in collusion with the Subahdar. At spasmodic intervals he aspired after promotion, or reward, by a display of extraordinary zeal in behalf of the Padishah.

Presents. Prcscnts wcrc as much an institution as the land

revenue. No man appeared without a present be- fore a revenue collector, a magistrate, or a local governor. Ryots made their presents to the Zemin- dar, and bribed his servants. Zemindars made their presents to the local Governor, and bribed his servants. Local Governors propitiated the Subah- dar in like manner. On family occasions, such as the birth of a Subahd'ar's son, or the marriage of a son or daughter, extra presents were expected and demanded. All petitions were accompanied by pre- sents. The gifts sent to court were enormous. Jewels and gold mohurs in sufficient abundance would purchase immunity from the grossest oppres- sions and the vilest crimes.^

Moghui court. The Moghul court was nomadic. Its movements might be compared with the " royal progresses " of old English kings ; they bore a closer resemblance to the migrations of the old Moghul Khans between summer and winter quarters. The Moghul Padi- shahs wandered to and fro over the conquered pro- vinces of India in the same fashion that Chenghiz Khan and Timur wandered over the vast tracts

' Under British rule, return presents are generally given of equal value. Under Moghul rule, the most valuable jewels were often presented to the Padishah, whilst a piece of muslin, or an embroidered handkerchief, or a paltry medal, were given in return. Foreign ambassadors were treated differ- ently, according to circumstances.

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. H

between China and Europe. Their encampments resembled great cities; they included streets of tents and pavilions ; shops, bazars, fortifications, enclo- sures, and gateways of painted canvas. Sometimes the court left the camp, and was fixed for a while at Agra, Delhi, Lahore, or Ajmir ; when the hot season began, it generally moved away to the cool mountains of Kashmir. The courts of Subahdars and Nawabs were all of the same type. They moved about their respective provinces in much the same fashion.

The Moghul empire was always exposed to rebel- RebeUions. lion. Hindu Rajas rebelled against the Subahdar. Refractory Subahdars rebelled against the Padi- shah. The migrations of the court may have tended to preserve the peace of the provinces. At intervals the empire was convulsed by a war for the succession. The Padishah always had four sons and no more. This Moghul institution dates back to Chenghiz Khan. Other sons might be born ; as a rule, only four were recognised. If one of the four died, another was taken to fill his room. The eldest was heir-apparent; he resided at court with his father. The three others were sent out to rule remote pro- vinces as viceroys. When the Padishah died, or was about to die, the four brothers marched armies asainst each other ; India was delusred with blood. When a prince had destroyed his three brothers, he ascended the throne and massacred all the males of the blood royal, excepting his own sons. After this India was tranquil.

12

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Jehanpir, 1605-1627.

Shah .Iphan, 1628-lGW.

AuruDf»7,ch, 1058 to 1707.

Jeliangir, son of Akbar, was an inferior man to his fatlier. He is better known than any other of the Moghul Padishahs. Sir Thomas Hoe was sent by James the First on a mission to Jehangir. The object was to procure the protection of the Pa- dishah for an English factory at Surat. Roe saw a great deal of Jehangir. He describes him as a drunken sovereign, infatuated with a vindictive woman named Nurmahal. His reign was much disturbed by rebellions.

Shah Jelian, son of Jehangir, was selfish and sensual. His dominion extended over the same provinces as that of Akbar ; it included Kabul, the Punjab, and Hindustan ; it also extended over the Northern Dekhan.* His vices were a scandal to Asia. His court was utterly corrupt and depraved. There was a lax indifference to religion, morality, or public decency. The sons of Shah Jelian, with one exception, were men of the same stamp. The third son was the exception ; his name was Au- rungzeb.

Aurungzeb had little chance of the throne. He had two brothers older than himself; both were popular with Moghuls and Eajputs. Ambition fired his brain ; it stimulated his genius ; it im-

' Mogliul dominion had been gradually encroaching upon the Dckhan ever since the reign nf Akhar. In the reign of Shah Jehan, the conquci'ed provinces in the Dckhan were formed into a viceroyalty, which was known as the " Dekhan." The Mussulman kingdoms of the Southern Dekhan were still unconquered. They were known as Bijapur and Golkonda. They extended southward to the River Kistna, or Krishna. India south of the Kiver Krishna was distributed amongst a number of petty Hindu principali- ties, the relics of the old Hindu empire of Vijaynnagar.

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 13

pelled liim to form a policy. He abandoned the toleration of Akbar. He affected to be a strict Mubammadan. He curried favour with Mubam- madans. He sougbt the support of all zealous Mubammadans tbrougbout India, He made bis religion a stepping-stone to the tbrone.

Tbe early Padisbabs were lusty men, sensual Bi-otry and and jovial. Aurungzeb was lean and spare. His eyes were sunk in bis bead ; tbey were bright and piercing. He abstained from wine and flesh meat ; be lived chiefly on rice and vegetables. He was always talking of tbe Koran. He was ostentatious in the performance of bis religious duties. He was never a sincere zealot. His religion never inter- fered with his pleasures or policy. He bad a weak digestion ; his abstinence from wine and meat was therefore a necessity. He was heterodox in his marria£:es. His favourite wife was a Christian from Georgia. Another favourite was a Eajput lady. He flattered Rajput Rajas to win them to his cause. He flattered Sivaji, the Mahratta leader in tbe Western Dekhan. Sivaji might help him in the coming struggle for the throne. Sivaji might give him a refuge in the event of defeat and disaster. He ceded territory to Sivaji; he made a treaty of friendship with the Mahratta.

The war between the four brothers began whilst war between the

lour priucus.

Shah Jehan was still alive. In the end Aurungzeb obtained the mastery. His brothers were slaugh- tered or poisoned with all their male descendants. His father Shah Jehan was deposed and imprisoned

14

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Beigrn of AuruDgzeb.

Eise of the Mahrattas.

in the palace at Agra. Aurungzeb ascended the throne at Delhi. He began his reign with caution. He disguised his hatred of Hindus. He trimmed between Muhammadans and Ptajputs. Occasion- ally he sent armies against the Mahrattas ; but many- years passed away before he waged war against Hinduism and Hindus.

The reign of Aurungzeb lasted from 1658 to 1707. It covered half a century, — the interval between the death of Oliver Cromwell and the opening years of Queen Anne. The great cha- racteristic of the reign was the restoration of the Koran as the supreme law throughout Hindustan. Apart from this revival of Islam, there are three prominent events in his reign, namely : the rise and growth of the Mahratta power ; the persecut- ing wars against the Hindus ; the development of three English factories into presidency towns.

Aurungzeb became alarmed at the growing power of Sivaji and the Mahrattas. Sivaji was becoming a thorn in the side of the Moghul empire. He was thirty years of age when Aurungzeb became Padishah. He had been brought up amongst the precipices and defiles of the "Western Ghats. His head-quarters were at Poona. He had numerous fortresses on the mountains. He had founded a kingdom on a basis of plunder. Every year during tlie dry season his Mahratta horsemen scoured the plains in search of booty. When the rains began they carried off the spoil to their mountain for- tresses. Sivaji established a vSystem of black mail ;

Mahratta.

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 15

it consisted of one-fourth of the revenue ; it was known as chout. Whenever the inhabitants paid the chout, their district or village was spared. Whenever they withheld the chout, they were plundered every year until they yielded to the demand.

Sivaji was unscrupulous and perfidious. In his siv^v early years he inveigled a Muhammadan general into a private interview ; he slaughtered him with a secret weapon ringed to his fingers, known as " tisrers' claws. " When Auruni^zeh came to the throne, he broke his treaty with Sivaji ; he took back the territory he had ceded to Sivaji. In revenge, Sivaji plundered Surat. He tried to plunder the English factory at Surat, but the Eng- lish beat him off.

Aurungzeb regarded Sivaji with contempt. He war against referred to Sivaji as " the mountain rat." He sent his uncle Shaista Khan to subdue '' the mountain rat," Shaista Khan captured Poena, and Sivaji retired to his hill fortresses. One night, whilst Shaista Khan was asleep at Poona, his house Was attacked by Mahrattas. His eldest son was slaugh- tered on the spot. He himself escaped through a window with the loss of a finger. Amidst the panic, Sivaji and his Mahrattas went out of the city. They were seen in the distance ascending a hill fortress amidst the glare of torches.

Aurungzeb next set a trap for " the mountain sivaji at Deiw, rat." Sivaji was invited to Delhi under pre- tence of being appointed viceroy of the Moghul

16

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Anrnns-zeb takes the field

conquests in the Deklian. He went to Delhi ; he found himself deceived, insulted, and a prisoner. He was in danger of assassination, but escaped out of the city in an empty hamper. He was fortunate enough to reach Poona in safety. Death of sivaji. It Is nccdlcss to dwcll ou thc wars of Aurungzeb

1680.

against the Mahrattas. It will suffice to say that Sivaji escaped from, every toil and danger ; he founded a kingdom and a dynasty. He died about 1680.

When Sivaji was dead, Aurungzeb took the field. Possibly he had been afraid of Sivaji; afraid that Sivaji would circumvent him or assassinate him. Henceforth, and until his last illness twenty-seven years afterwards, Aurungzeb remained in camp. Throughout this period he was constantly warring a2rainst the Hindus. He besran the war in the vain hope that he could dethrone the Hindu gods and establish the Koran from sea to sea.

The fire of persecution began with the destruc- tion of pagodas in Hindustan. A large pagoda was burnt down near Delhi. Orders were issued to the governors of provinces to destroy all heathen temples throughout the empire. Idols were cast down; temples were converted into mosques. Hindu peni- tents, known as Yogis and Saniasis, were driven out of Hindustan. All the great officers of the Crown, who refused to become Muhammadans, were deprived of their posts. The celebration of Hindu festivals w^as prohibited. Worst of all, the hate- ful poll-tax, known as the Jezya, was levied on all

PcrBCCutinf? wars against Hindus.

INDIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 17

who refused to embrace Islam. This tax pressed heavily upon the Hindus. Merchants paid a yearly Jezya of thirteen rupees and a half per head ; artizans paid six rupees and a quarter ; the poorer classes paid three rupees and a half. It is difficult to con- ceive how such a tax could have been levied with- out a rebellion.

There was dansrer in Raiputana. Aurunsrzeb wm-s in moved all the forces of the empire against Raj- putana. Jaipur consented to pay the Jezya. Marwar refused at first, but afterwards came to a compro- mise ; the tax was redeemed by the cession of ter- ritory. The Kana of Udaipur resolutely set his face against the demand. Most of his territory was walled in by mountains. He abandcmed all the country outside the mountains. The whole nation was in arms ; strong guards were posted in every gorge and defile. Aurungzeb was baffled. At one time he was lost in a labyrintli of defiles. His favourite wife was taken prisoner. His force was nearly starved out. At last he retired to Ajmir. The remainder of his reign is devoid of all interest. It was wasted in wars with Eajputs, Mahrattas, and Afghans. He died in 1707.^

Having thus reviewed the condition of the Moghul empire during the seventeenth century, it may be advisable to glance at the early history of the Eng- lish settlements in India during the same period.

* Elliot's History, Vol. VII. Cutvon's Mogliuls.

B

Karly settlement ut Surat.

CHAPTER II.

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY.

1600—1700.

ryiHE early history of the English in India is a -^ tedious detail of voyages, personal adventures, fights with the Portuguese, or quarrels with the Moghul Governor of Surat. In the first instance the English effected a lodgment at Surat. This town is seated on the western coast of India, the side nearest to Europe. The port of Surat had been famous from a remote antiquity. It was situated about a hundred and eighty miles to the north of Bombay. It was the first place in India where the English and Dutch established a trade.

Hostility of the The Portuoruese had already been a century in India. The Pope had given them the sovereignty of the East. They denied the right of the English to come there at all. They hated the English as heretics. They told the Moghul Governor of Surat that the English were pirates. The details of such squabbles have lost all their interest. It will suffice to say that between the years 1610 and 1620 both English and Dutch were permitted to establish factories at Surat.

pompof tbe The trade with India must have been most pro- fitable. In 1623, the English and Dutch Presidents were living in state in large houses like palaces; the senior merchants were furnished with chambers

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 1Q

in the same mansion. Whenever the President went abroad, a banner was carried before him, and he was followed by merchants on horseback, as well as by native attendants armed with swords, buck- lers, and bows and arrows/

In 1638 a younsr gentleman of Holstein paid a visitor

J ^ O 1 Mandclslo.

visit to Surat. His name was Albert de Mandelslo." He has left a curious account of his visit ; it fur- nishes a graphic picture of the English factory : —

'' Within a leao-ue of the Road we entered into the river Surat Custom

. . House.

upon which Surat is seated, and which hath on both sides a very fertile soil, and many fair g-ardens, with pleasant country-houses, which being all white, a colour it seems the Indians are much in love with, afford a noble prospect amidst the greenness whereby they are encompassed. But this river, which is the Tapte, called by others Tynde, is so shallow at the mouth of it, that barks of 70 or 80 ton can hardly come into it. We came ashore near the Sulthan's Palace,^ and went immediately to the Custom-house to have our things searched by the officers there : which is done with such ex- actness in this place, that they think it not enough to open chests and portmantles, but examine people^s clothes and pockets. The Sulthan or Governour, nay the Customers* themselves, oblige merchants and passengers to part with, at the price they shall think fit to put upon them, those goods and commodities which they had brought for their own private use. Accordingly the Sulthan himself, who cameto the Custom-house as soon as we were got thither, having found among my things a bracelet of yellow amber, and a diamond, would needs buy them both of me : whereto when I made him answer, that I

1 Travels of Pietro della Valle in 1623 and 1624. Loudon : 1665.

'^ Travels of J. Albert de Maudelslo in 1638 and 1639. London : 1669.

3 The local Governor of Surat was called Sultan out of courtesy.

* The Custom House Officers are always termed Customers by old travellers. After the English established themselves iu ludia and levied duties, the Collector was always known as the Customer.

20 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

was no merchant, and that I valued those things only for their sakes who had bestowed them on me. He was pleased to re- turn me the diamond, but detained the bracelet, telling me I should have it again when I honoured him with a visit. Eutertainmciit " "U^hile WB Were in this contestation, came to the place

at the English . . ^ '■

house. an Indian coach, drawn by two white oxen, which the

English President had sent to bring me to their house ; so that leaving the Sulthan with the bracelet, I went into it. At the entrance of the house I met the President, with his Second, that is to say, he who commands under him, and in his absence, whose name was Mr. Fremling, who received me with extraordinary kindness, and very civilly answered the compliment I made them, upon the freedom I took to make my advantage thereof. The President, who spoke Dutch very well, told me I was very welcome ; that in the country where we then were, all Christians were obliged to assist one another, and that he was the more particularly obliged there- to as to what concerned me, in respect of the affection I would have expressed towards some of his nation at Ispahan. He thereupon brought me to his chamber, where there was a collation ready. It consisted of fruits and pi'eserves, according to the custom of the country. As soon as we were set, he asked me what my design was, and understand- ing that I intended to return for Germany within twelve months, he told me I w^as come too late to get away that year, by reason no more ships would come that way, but that if 1 would stay with him five or six months, till there were a convenience of passage, he would take it kindly : that durinu that time be would contribute all he could to my divertisement : that he would find out a means how I might see the most eminent places in the country — nay, that he would send some of his own nation along with me, who should find me those accommodations I could not otherwise hope for. This obliging discourse soon prevailed with me to accept of these proffers, so that he shewed me all the house that I might make choice of a convenient lodging, which I took near his Sect^nd's chamber. In the evening, Some merchants and others belonging to the President, came

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 21

aud broug-Iit me from my chamber to supper into a great hall, where was the Minister with about a dozen merchants, who kept me company, but the President and his Second supped not, as being accustomed to that manner of life, out of a fear of overcharging their stomachs, digestion being slowly performed, by reason of the great heats which are as troublesome there in the night time as in the day. After supper the Minister carried me into a great open gallery, where I found the President and his Second taking the coolness of the sea-air. This was the place of our ordinary rendezvous, where we met every night ; to wit, the President, his Second, the principal merchant, the Minister and my- self; but the other merchants came not but when they were invited by the President. At dinner he kept a great table of about fifteen or sixteen dishes of meat, besides the desert.

" The respect and deference which the other merchants order of the

^ Euglish Factory,

have for the President was very remarkable, as also the order which was there observed in all things, especially at Divine Service, which was said twice a day, in the morning at six, and at eight at night, and on Sundays thrice. No person in the house but had his particular function, and their certain hours assigned them as well for work as recrea- tion. Our divertisement was thus ordei-ed. On Fridayes after Prayers, there was a particular assembly, at which met with us three other merchants, who were of kin to the President, and had left as well as he their wives in England, which day being that of their departure from England, they had ap- pointed it for to make a commemoration thereof, and drink their wives' healths. Some made their advantage of this meeting to get more than they could well carry away, though every man was at liberty to drink what he pleased, and to mix the Sack as he thought fit, or to drink Palepuniz, which is a kind of drink consisting of aqita vitfe, rose-water, juice of citrons and sugar.'

1 It is a curious fact, not generally known, that punch was an Indian drink invented by the convivial Factors at Surat. It was called punch from the Hindustani word signifying five ingredients, viz., brandy, sugar, limes, spice, and water.

22 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Tea, " At our Ordinary meetings every day, we took only T/te,

which is commonly used all over the Indies^ not only among those of the country, but also among- the Dutch and English, who take it as a drug that cleanses the stomach, and digests the superfluous humours, by a temperate heat particular thereto. The Persians instead of T/ie drink their Kahwa, which cools and abates the natural heat which The preserves.*

Eugiish fiarden. '' The English have a fair Garden without the city, whither we constantly went on Suudayes after Sermon, and sometimes also on other dayes of the week, where our exercise was shooting at Butts, at which I made a shift to get a hundred Mamoudis (or five pound sterling) every week. After these divertisements, we had a collation of fruit and preserves, and bathed our selves in a tauke or cistern which had five foot water. Some Dutch gentlewomen served and enter- tained us with much civility. What troubled me most was, that my little acquaintance with the English tougue made me incapable of conversation, unless it were with the President, who spoke Dutch.

Ainnscmeuts at "During my abode at Surat I wanted for no divertise- ment ; for either I walked down to the Haven, or found com- pany in the city, especially at the Dutch President's, who had his family there, and with whom it was the easier for me to make acquaintance, in as much as I could converse with them in my own language. But understanding that the English ships, with which I intended to return into Europe, would not be ready for their departure under three or four

Ahmadabad moutlis, I rcsolvcd to take a journey into the country, to the

' This is a curious allusion to tea aud coffee. In China tea is called Cha ; so it is in India. Olearius, in his travels through Muscovy, Tartary, and Persia, makes the following remarks : —

" The Persians are great frequenters of the taverns or tipliiig houses, which they call Tazri Chattai Chane, in regard there they may have The, or Cha, which the Ushegucs Tartars bring thither from Chattai. It is an herb which hath long and narrow leaves, about an inch in length and half an inch in breadth. In order to the keeping and transportations of it, they dry it so that it turns to a dark grey colour, inclining to black, and so shrivelled up, that it seems not to be what it really is ; but as soon as it is put into warm water, it spreads and rc-a'=sunies its former preen colour."

ENGLISH AT SURA.T AND BOMBAY. 23

Grcit Mog-ul^s Court, taking" my advantag-e of a Caffila, or Caiavan, of thirty wagons loaden with quicksilver, roeuas, whch is a root that dies red, spices, and a considerable sum of noney, which the English were sending to Ahmadabad. Th( President had a2:>pointed four merchants, certain Banians, twJve English soldiei's, and as many Indians, to conduct an( convoy this small Caravan ; so that confident I might umertake this journey without any danger, (which it had no been safe for me to attempt without this convenience, by re;son of the Rajputs, and their robberies upon the high- w.y,) I took the President's advice, and put my self into thir company.

■' These Rajputs are a sort of high-way men, or tories, Rajput outlaws, wio keep in the mountains 1 jet ween Baroda and Baroche, wiich are called Champenir, where they have their fortified p\ees and retreats, wherein they sometimes make their party god against the Mogul himself. Not long before he had tiien one of their strongest places, and by that means kpt them a long time in subjection ; but they revolted again, fid exercised their robberies with greater cruelty then ever."

The journey of Mandelslo from Surat to Ahmad- Ahmsdabad. tbad is too long for extract. At Ahmadabad he paid a visit to the Moghul Governor. His account of this visit is very graphic. Areb Khan, the Governor, was a type of the Governors of provinces in the reigns of Jehangir and Shah Jehan.

" The city of i^hmadabad maintains for the MoguPs service, Amadabad out of its own revenue, twelve thousand horse and fifty la^ooo'horse. elephants, under the command of a Khan, or Governor, who weaitir^'^""'^* hath the quality of Raja, that is to say. Prince. He who commanded there in my time, was called Areb Khan, and about sixty years of age. I was credibly informed, that he was worth in money and houshold-stuffe, ten Crore, which amount to fifty millions of crowns, the Crore being accounted at a hundred Lacs of Rupees, each Lac being worth fifty thousand crowns. It was not long before, that his daughter,

24

EARLY KECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

His Court.

His expcDce.

one of the greatest beauties iu the country, had been married to the Mogul's second son ; and the Khan, when she wen; to the Court, had sent her attended by twenty elephant^ a thousand horse, and six thousand wagons, loaded with the richest stuffs, and whatever else was rare in the country. .-lis Court consisted of above 500 persons, 400 whereof were his slaves, who served him in his affairs, and were all dieted in ;he house. I have it from good hands, that his expence in hoite- keeping amounted to above five thousand crowns a monih, not comprehending iu that account that of his stables, whre he kept five hundred horse and fifty elephants. The met eminent persons of his retinue were very magnificently clfl, though as to his own person, he was nothing curious, aid was content commonly with a garment of cotton, as ae the other Indosthans, unless it were when he went abrojd into the city, or took a journey into the country ; for th(i he went in great state, sitting ordinarily in a rich chair, sfc upon an elephant, covered with the richest tapistry, beii^ attended by a guard of 200 men, having many excelleu Persian horses led, and causing several standards am banners to be carried before him.

" I went along with the English merchant to visit the Governor, whom we found sitting in a pavilion or tenfa which looked into his garden. Having caused us to sit down by him, he asked the merchant who I was : He told him in the Indosthan language, that I was a gentleman of Germany, whom a desire to see foreign countries, and to improve himself by travel, had obliged to leave his own. That coming into Persia, upon occasion of an Embassy sent thither by the Prince my master, I took a resolution to see Their distourse. the Indies, as being the noblest country iu the world; and being come to that city, that I hoped he would not take it ill if I aspired to the honour of waiting upon him. The Governor made answer, I was very welcome, that my reso- lution was noble and generous, and that he prayed God to bless and prosper it. He thereu])on asked me, whether during my abode in Persia, I had learnt ought of the

Mandelslo risitg the Governor of Ahmadabad.

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND UOMBAY. 25

language. I reply'd that I bad a greater inclination to the Turkish language, and that I understood it so far as to make a shift to express my self in it. The Governor, who was a Persian born, made answer, that it was true indeed, the Turkish language was much more commonly spoken in the Shah^s Court than that of the country, and thereupon asked me my age, and how long it was since I left Germany. I told him I was 24 years of age, and that I had travelled three years. He replied that he wondered very much my friends would suffer me to travel so young, and asked me whether I had not changed my habit by the way ; whereto having made answer that I had not, he told me, that it was an extraordinary good fortune, that I had travelled in that costume through so many countries, without meeting with some unhappy accident, and that the Dutch and English, to prevent any such misfortune, clad themselves according to the fashion of the country.

" After about an hour^s discourse, we would have risen and Dinner. taken our leaves of him, but the Governor intreated us to stay and dine with him. He caused some fruit to be brought, while his people were laying the cloth, which was of cotton, laid upon a large carpet of red Turkie-leather. The dinner was very noble, and served up and drest according to the Persian way, the meat being laid in dishes, all porcelaue, upon rice of several colours, in the same manner as we had seen at the Court at Ispahan. Presently after dinner we came away, but as I was taking my leave of the Governor he told me in the Turkish language, Setini clahe kurim, that is to say, we shall see you again, giving me thereby to under- stand, that he would be glad of some further discourse with me.

"Accordingly we went thither again, but I had clad a second visit to my self according to the mode of the country, upon the design I had to travel into Cambaya, which I could hardly do without changing habit. We found him in the same apartment where we had seen him the time before. He was clad in a white vestment, according to the Indian mode,

2(5 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

over which he had another that was longer, of brocade, the ground carnation lined with white satin, and above, a collar of sables, whereof the skin were sewed together, so as that the tails hung down over the back. As soon as he saw us come in, he made us sit down by the Lords that were wath him. He was about some business, which hindered him for a while from discoursing with us, yet could I not but observe that he was pleased at my change of habit. He dispatched several orders, and sometimes writ himself; yet did not his business take him up, so as to hinder him from taking tobacco, which he took after the same manner, there standing near him a servant, who with one hand held the pipe to his mouth, and set fire to it with the other. He quitted that exercise to go and take a view of certain troops of horse and companies of foot, which were drawn up in the court. He would see their arms himself, and caused them to shoot at a mark, thereby to judge of their abilities, and to augment the pay of such as did well at the cost of the others, out of* whose pay there was so much abated. So that seeing him thus employed we would have taken our leaves, but he sent us word that we should dine with him, causing in the mean time fruit to be sent us, whereof by his order we sent the best part to our lodging.

Opium. " Soon after he called for a little golden cabinet, enriched

with precious stones, and having taken out two drawei's, out of one he took Offion, or Opium, and out of the other Bengi, a certain drug, or powder, made of the leaves and seed of hemp, which they use to excite luxury. Having taken a small spoonful of each, he sent the cabinet to me, and told me, that it could not otherwise be, but that, during my abode at Ispahan, I must needs have learnt the use of that drug, and that I should find that as good as any I had seen in Persia. I told him, that I was no competent judge of it, in regard I had not used it often, however I would then take of it for the honour's sake of receiving it from his hands. I took of it, and the English merchant did the like, though neither of us had ever taken any before, nor did much like it then.

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 27

"The Governor of Ahmadabad was a judicious understanding oovernor'of "^*' man, but basty, and so rigorous, that his government inclined ^hmudabad. somewhat to cruelty. It happened one day, that the two principal Directors of the English and Dutch trade there, being invited by him to dinner; a young gentleman that waited upon the former, comes into the hall to attend upon his master. He had on a slashed doublet, much after the fashion which was worn about thirty years since, which the Governor thought so ridiculous, that he could not forbear laughing at it, and asked the English President, in what quality that slashed gallant served him, since that according to his habit, he conceived he kept him for his Fool. The President made answer, not without some confusion, that he waited on him in his chamber, and that he had opened his doublet in that manner to make way for the air, the better to avoid the excessive heats of the country, which the Europeans could not well endure. Whereto the Governor replied, that that reason gave some satisfaction, but what he most wondered at was that the Christians, who are a wise and understanding people, had not yet found out the way to make their doublets of several shreds, rather then cut and mangle whole pieces of stuffes to put themselves into that mode. This jesting with the English merchant put him into so good an humour, that he would needs devote the remainder of the day to sport and divertisement, and thereupon sent for twenty women- dancers, who as soon as they were come into the room fell a singing and dancing, but with an activity and exact observa- tion of the cadence, much beyond that of our dancers upon the ropes. They had little hoops or circles, through which they leaped as nimbly as if they had been so many apes, and made thousands of postures, according to the several soundings of their musick, which consisted of a tnmhecJc, or timbrel, a haw-boy, and several tabours. Having danced near two hours, the Governor would needs send into the citj- for another band of dancers, but the servants brought word, that they were sick and could not come. This excuse being not taken, he sent out the same servants, with express order to

28 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

bring those women away by force; but they returning the second time with the same excuse, he ordered they should be cudgelled. Upon that, the women came and cast themselves at the Governor's feet, and acknowledged that it was indeed true, they were not sick, and that they denied to come, because they knew well enough he would not pay them. He laught at it, but immediately commanded out a party of his guard to bring them to him, and they were no sooner entered into His cruelty. the hall ere he ordered their heads to be struck ofE. They

Alaiidelslo leaves ..... .

Ahmadabad. begged their lives with horrid cries and lamentations; but he would be obeyed and caused the execution to be done in the room before all the company, not one of the Lords then present daring to make the least intercession for those wretches, who were eight in number. The strangers were startled at the horror of the spectacle and inhumanity of the action ; which the Governor taking notice of, fell a laughing, and asked them what they were so much startled at. Assure your selves, Gentlemen, said he, that if I should not take this course, I should not be long Governor of Ahmadabad. For should I connive once at their disobedience, these people would play the Masters, and drive me out of the City. "'TIS but prudence in me to prevent their con- tempt of my authority, by such examples of severity as these are.''

Visit of Fryer. Tliivty-slx ycars passed away. In 1674, Dr. Pryer visited Surat.^ He was a Surgeon in the service of the East India Company. He has left the following description of the English factory at Surat. It indicates a considerable increase in the Company's establishment at Surat, as well as a large extension of their trade.

The English "The housc the English live in at Surat, is parti}'- the

King's gift, partly hired; built of stone and excellent

* Fryer's Travels in Iiicliii aiul Persia between 1672 anil 1681. lionilon : 1698.

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 29

timber, with good carviug-, without representations ; very strong", for that each floor is half a yard thick at least, of the best plastered cement, which is very weighty. It is contrived after the Moor^s buildings, wi<"h upper and lower galleries, or terrace-walks; a neat Oratory, a convenient open place for meals. The President has spacious lodgings, noble rooms for counsel and entertainment, pleasant tanks, yards, and an hummum to wash in ; but no gardens in the city, or very few, though without the city they have many, like wildernesses, overspread with trees. The English had a neat one, but Sevaji's coming destroyed it : It is known, as the other Factories are, by their several flags flying.

"Here they live (in shipping-time) in a continual burly- fuU of noise. burly, the Banians presenting themselves from the hour of ten till noon ; and then afternoon at four till night, as if it were an Exchange in every row ; below stairs, the packers and warehouse-keepers, together with merchants bringing and receiving musters, make a meer Billiusgate ; for if you make not a noise, they hardly think you intent on what you are doing.

^' Among the English, the business is distributed into four The Four chief

. . Offices

offices; the Accomptant, who is next in dignity to the Presi- dent, the general accompts of all India, as well as this place, passing through his hands ; he is quasi Treasurer, signing all things, though the broker keep the cash. Next him is the Warehouse-keeper, who registers all Europe goods vended, and receives all Eastern commodities bought; under him is the Purser Marine, who gives account of all goods exported and imported, pays Seamen their wages, provides wagons and porters, looks after tackling for ships, and ships' stores. Last of all is the Secretary, who models all Consultations, writes all letters, carries them to the President and Council to be perused and signed ; keeps the Company's seal, which is affixed to all passes and commissions; records all transactions, and sends copies of them to the Company ; though none of these, without the President's approbation, can act or do any thing. The affairs of India are solely under his regulation ;

30

EARLY REOOliDS OF BPJTISH INDIA.

The Company's Servants, and tlieir Salaries.

The unilcr Factories mo- delled by this.

The Presidency.

from him issue out all orders, by him all preferment is dis- posed ; by which means the Council are biassed by his arbi- trament.

" The whole mass of the Company's servants may be com- prehended in these classes, viz., Merchants, Factors, and Writers ; some Bluecoat Boys also have been entertained under notion of apprentices for seven years, which being expired, if they can get security, they are capable of employ- ments. The Writers are obliged to serve five years for 10^. per Ann. giving in a bond of 500^. for good behaviour, all which time they serve under some of the forementioned Offices : After which they commence Factors, and rise to pre- ferment and trust, according to seniority or favour, and therefore have a 1,000/. bond exacted from them, and have their salary augmented to 201. per Ann. for three years, then entering into new indentures, are made Senior Factors ; and lastly, Merchants after Three Years more ; out of whom are chose Chiefs of Factories, as places fall, and are allowed 40*. per A?m. during their stay in the Company^s service, besides lodgings and victuals at the Company^s charges.

" These in their several Seignioi'ies behave themselves after the fundamentals of Surat, and in their respective Factories live in the like grandeur ; from whence they rise successively to be of the Council in Surat, which is the great Council ; and if the President do not contradict, are sworn, and take their place accordingly, which consists of about five in num- ber, besides the President, to be constantly resident.

" As for the Presidency, though the Company interpose a deserving man, yet they keep that power to themselves, none assuming that dignity till confirmed by them : His salary from the Company is 500/. a year ; half paid here, the other half reserved to be received at home, in case of misdemeanor to make satisfaction ; beside a bond of 5,000/. sterling of good securities.

"The Accountant has 7il. per aimnm, fifty pound paid here, the other at home : All the rest are half paid here, half at home, except the Writers, who have all paid here.

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 31

" Out of the Council are elected the Deputy-Governor of tiic advantage Bombay, and Agent of Persia ; the first a place of g-reat couutii. trust, the other of profit; though, by the appointment from the Company, the Second of India claims Bombay, and the Secretary of Surat the Agency of Persia, which is connived at, and made subject to the will of the President, by the interest of those whose lot they are ; chusing rather to reside here, where consignments compensate those emoluments ; so that none of the Council, if noted in England, but makes considerably by his place, after the rate of five in the hun- dred, commission ; and this is the Jacob's ladder by which they ascend.

" It would be too mean to descend to indirect ways, which The baseness are chiefly managed by the Banians, the fittest tools for any ^ deceitful undertaking ; out of whom are made brokers for the Company, and private persons, who are allowed two per cent, on all bargains, besides what they squeeze secretly out of the price of things bought ; which cannot be well under- stood for want of knowledge in their language ; which ignor- ance is safer, than to hazard being poisoned for prying too nearly into their actions : Though the Company, to encourage young men in their service, maintain a master to learn them to write and read the language, and an annuity to be annex- ed when they gain a perfection therein, which few attempt, and fewer attain.

"To this Factory belongs twenty persons in number, Number of reckoning Swally Marine into the account; a Minister for Faawy.'" 'Divine Service, a Surgeon, and when the President is here, a guard of English soldiers, consisting of a double file led by a Serjeant.

" The present Deputy has only forty Moor-men, and a flag-

■ man, carrying St. George his colours swallow-tailed in silk,

fastened to a silver partisan; with a small attendance of

horse with silver bridles, and furniture for the gentlemen of

the house, and coaches for Ladies and Council.

" The President besides these has a noise of trumpets, and state of tho is carried himself in a Palenkeen, a horse of state led before

32 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

him, a Mirclial (a fan of ostriches^ feathers) to keep off the sun, as the Omrahs or great men have ; 'none hut the Emperor have a Sumhrero among the Moguls : Besides these, every one according to his quality has his menial servants to wait on him iu his chamber, and follow him out. All places in "The Presidency of Surat is esteemed superior to all iu

the Presidtiioy, India, the Agency of Bantam being not long since subordinate

with their Com- ..,,,. i • ^ i,,i i ^ n i c

modities. to it, but siDce made independent ; though the South Sea trade

is still maintained from hence to Bantam with such cloth as is vendible there, from thence with dollars to China for sugar, tea, porcelaue, laccared ware, quicksilver, tuthinag and copper ; which with cowreys, little sea-shells, come from Siam and the Phillipine Islands ; gold and elephants' teeth from Sumatra, in exchange of corn. From Persia, which is still under the Presidency, come drugs and Carmania wool ; from Mocha, cohar, or coffee. The Inland Factories subject to it, are Ahmadabad, whence is provided silks, as atlases wrought with gold ; Agra, where they fetch indico, chuperly, coarse cloth. Siring chiuts. Broach baftas, broad and narrow; dimities, and other fine calicuts ; Along the coasts are Bombay, Bajapore for salloos; Carnear for dungarees, and the weightiest pepper; Calicut for spice, ambergrcez, granats, opium, with salt petre, and no cloth, though it give the name of Calicut to all in India, it being the first port from whence they were known to be brought into Europe : All which, after the Europe ships have uuladen at Surat, they go down to fetch ; and bring up time enough before the Caffilas out of the country come iu with their wares.

The Investment " The placcs about Surat afford variety of Calicuts, but not

set on foot in . . , j i i

the Bains. such vast quantities as are yearly exported, and moreover uot so cheap ; which is the reason at every place the factors are sent to oversee the weavers, buying up the cotton-yarn to employ them all the rains, when they set on foot their investments, that they may be ready against the season for the ships: or else the chief broker iraploys Banians in their steads, who are responsible for their fidelity.

ENGLISH AT SUKAT AND BOMBAY. 33

'* On these wheels moves the trafRck of the East, and has This trade succeeded better than any Corporation preceeding-, or open company better trade licensed in the time of Oliver Cromwell ; though how TiadciB. much more to the benefit of England than a free commerce, may be guessed by their already being- over-flocked with Europe merchandise, which lowers the price. What then would a glut do, which certainly must follow, but debase them more, and enhance these ?

" But lest the New Company should be exclaimed against as Their Freemen too greedy monopolizers, they permit free traders on their than theii^^'^^ Island Bombay; when, to speak truth, they are in a far worse condition than their servants; being tied up without hopes of raising themselves : so that in earnest they find out that to be but a trick.

"However, to confess on the Company's behalf, the trade TheCharj^es

/T j_i • J \ /> o*^ '-''•^ English

(1 mean on this coast) tor some years lately passed has Company not hardly ballanced expences. They employing yearly forty sail Hollanders. of stout ships to and from all parts where they trade, out and home ; manning and maintaining their Island Bombay, Fort St. George, and St. Helens ; besides large sums expended to bear out the port of their Factors ; which notwithstandino- by impartial computation has been found inferior to the costs of the Hollanders, and therefore more to the profit of the English East India Company, than theirs, in the few years they have adventured ; so that I should mightily blame them should they prove ungrateful to His Majesty, who by his gracious favour has united them in a society, whereby they are competitors for riches (though not strength) with the notedest Company in the universe.

" This Charter was granted presently after the happy restora- Their charter tion of our Gracious Sovereign, when order began to dawn, and ^"' *" ^''"'*'' dispel the dark chaos of popular community : Then was sent out a President, to put their Charter in force, and establish a graduation among their servants, which before was not observed ; only for order's sake, they did nominate an Agent ; the rest being independent, made no distinction. When as now, after a better model, they commence according to their standing, and are under a collegiate manner of restraint.

34.

EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

The Course of the Presidents.

The English defend

themselves with honour against Sevaji a second time.

The Power of the President,

III success of the first AdventurcB,

" The last Agent was Agent Rivinton^ who was aboHshed by the Company's sending out President Wyneh, who lived not much more than two years : President Andrews took his place ; and he resigning. Sir George Oxendine held it till his death; in whose time Sevaji plundered Surat ; but he defended himself and the merchants so bravely, that he had a khillut or Serpaw, a robe of honour from head to foot, oflfered him from the Great Mogul, with an abatement of customs to Two and an half per cent, granted to the Com- pany : For which his masters, as a token of the high sense they had of his valour, presented him a medal of gold, with this device :

' Non minor est virtus qnam qncerere pai'ta tneri'

"After whose decease, the Honourable Gerald Aungiertook the chair, and encountered that bold mountaineer a second time, with as great applause; when the Governor of the town and province durst neither of them shew their heads :

" Flucttim enim iotius Barharioe ferre urhs una non poterat.

" The enemies by the help of an Europe engineer had sprung a mine to blow up the castle ; but being discovered, were repulsed; for though he had set fire to the rest of the city, they retained the castle, and the English their house.

" The extent of the Presidency is larger in its missions than residency; in which limits may be reckoned an hundred Company's servants continually in the country ; besides the annual advenues of ships, which during their stay are all uuder the same command : Therefore what irregularities are committed against only the Presidency or Company, in case of non-submission, the persons offending* are to be sent home, and dismissed their employments for refractoriness ; but if an higher Court lay hold of them in case of murder or any capi- tal crime, then they are to be sent to Bombay, there to have a legal trial, according to the laws of England, as the Presi- dent is created Governor of His Majesty's Island.

" The ill-managing of which penalties formerly, or the in- validity to inflict them, may be the true cause of the unpros- perou«nes8 of the ancient undertakers ; who had this iucon-

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 35

veniency still attending, to wit, the incorrigible stubbornness War with of their own men, after they had overcome all other difficulties, ""^ ''^°' ' occasioned by tlie grant of the East to the Portugal, and West- Indies to the Spaniard. Nevertheless this fairy gift was the ground of a long and tedious quarrel in each of the world's ends ; so that our ships encouutring with their Carracks, seldom used to part without the loss of one or both. Nay, the long-lived people yet at Swalley, remember a notable skirmish betwixt the English and Portugals there, wherein they were neatly intrapped; an ambuscado of ours falling upon them behind in such sort, that they were compelled between them and the ships in the road, to resign most of their lives ; and gave b}^ their fall a memorable name to a Point they yet call Bloody Point, for this very reason. But since these sores are fortunately bound up in that -conjugal tye betwixt our sacred King and the sister of Portugal, laying all foul words and blows aside, let us see how the aflPairs stand betwixt them and the Dutcli, who followed our steps, and got in at the breach we made. They made them more work, not only beating them out of their South-Sea trade, but possessed themselves of all their treasures of spice, and have ever since kept them, with all their strong-holds, as far as Goa; they only enjoying the gold trade of Mosambique undisturbed ; the Japanners having banished both their commerce and reli- gion.

" Wherefore our ships almost alone, were it not for a little The company the French of late, lade Calicuts for Europe : The Dutch have '^"^'^ ^^' ^''''' a Factory here, that vend the spices they bring from Batavia, and invest part of the money in coarse cloth, to be disposed among their Planters, or sold to the Malayans, and send the rest back in rupees : So that we singly have the credit of the Port, and are of most advantage to the inhabitants, and fill the Custom-House with the substantialest incomes. But not to defraud the French of their just commendations, whose Factory is better stored with Monsieurs than with cash, they live well, borrow money, and make a show : Here are French Capuchins, who have a Convent, and live in es- teem/'

36

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Rudeness of the

Mussulman

mendicants.

X

Seamen.

Subordination of ISombay to

^'^''- extracts

Dr. Pryer furnishes a curious account of the relations between the English and the Muhammad- ans at Surat : —

"Going out to see the city of Surat, I passed without any ineivilitj^, the better because I understood not what they said ; for though we meet not with boys so rude as in Eng- land, to run after strangers, yet here are a sort of bold, lusty, and most an end, drunken beggars, of the Mussulman cast, that if they see a Christian in good clothes, mounted on a stately horse, with rich trappings, are presently upon their punctilios with God Almighty, and interrogate him. Why he suffers him to go a foot, and in rags, and this Kafir (Unbeliever) to vaunt it thus? And are hardly restrained from running a Muck (which is to kill whoever they meet, till they be slain themselves), especially if they have been at Hadji, a pilgrimage to Mecca, and thence to Juddah, where is Mahomet's Tomb ; these commonly, like evil spirits, have their habitations among the tombs. Nor can we com- plain only of this libertinism, for the rich Moormen them- selves are persecuted by these rascals.

" As for the rest, they are very respectful, unless the seamen or soldiers get drunk, either with toddy or bang (a plea- sant intoxicating seed, mixed with milk) ; then are they monarchs, and it is madness to oppose them ; but leave them to themselves, and they will vent that fury, by breath- ing a vein or two with their own swords, sometimes slash- ing themselves most barbarously.^'

The allusions to Bombay in tlic foregoing show that it was considered at this period to be a subordinate place to Surat. It had l)een given to tlie English in 1661 as a portion of the dowry of Donna Infanta Catherina, sister to the King of Portugal, when she was given in marriage to Charles the Second. Some years elapsed l)eforc tlie English effected a settlement

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 37

at Bombay. Dr. Pryer visited the Island about 1674, and has left the following description of Bombay and its surroundings :—

"Let us walk the rounds. At distance enous^h lies The Town oc the town, in which confusedly live the English, Portugueze, Topazes, Hindoos, Moors, Cooly Christians, most fishermen.

" It is a full mile in length, the houses are low, and thatched with oleas o£ the cocoe-trees, all but a few the Portugals left, and some few the Company have built, the Custom-house and Ware-houses are tiled or plastered, and instead of glass, use panes of oyster-shells for their windows (which as they are cut in squares, and polished, look grace- fully enough). There is also a reasonable handsome Bazar.

'^At the end of the town looking into the field, where cows and bufFoloes graze, the Portugals have a pretty house and Church, with orchards of Indian fruit adjoining. The English have only a Buryiug-plaee, called Mendam's-Point, from the first man's name there interred, where are some few tombs that make a pretty show at eutring the Haven, but neither Church or Hospital, both which are mightily to be desired.

"There are no fresh water rivers, or fallino- streams of F«'esh Water-

... _ " springs scarce.

living water : The water drank is usually rain-water preserv- ed in tanks, which decaying, they are forced to dig wells into which it is strained, hardly leaving its brackish taste ; so that the better sort have it brought from Massegoung, where is only one fresh spring.

"On the backside of the towns of Bombay and Maijm, Woods of are woods of cocoes (under which inhabit the Banderines, those that prune and cultivate them), these Hortoes being the greatest purchase and estates on the Island, for some miles together, till the sea break in between them : Over- against which, up the Bay a mile, lies Massegoung, a great fishing town, peculiarly notable for a fish called bumbelo, the sustenance of the poorer sort, who live on them and batty, a course sort of rice, and the wine of the cocoe, called toddy. The groimd between this and the great breach

38

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

farcll.

Salt-Pans.

Maijm.

SalvasoDg.

Malabar-hill.

is well ploughed, and bears good batty. Here the Portugals have another Church, and Religious House belonging to the Franciscans.

" Beyond it is Parell, where they have another Church, and demesnes belonging to the Jesuits ; to which appertains Siam, manured by Columbeens, husbandmen, where live the Frasses, or porters also ; each of which tribes have a Manda- dore, or superintendent, who give an account of them to the English, and being born under the same degree of slavery, are generally more tyrannical than a stranger would be towards them ; so that there needs no other task-master than one of their own Tribe, to keep them in awe by a rigid subjection.

" Under these uplands the washes of the sea produce a lunary tribute of salt left in pans or pits made on purpose at spring-tides for the overflowing; and when they are full are incrustated by the heat of the sun. In the middle, between Parell, Maijm, Sciam, and Bomba}^, is an hollow, wherein is received a breach running at three several places, which drowns 40000 acres of good land, yielding nothing else but samphire; athwart which, from Parell to Maijm, are the ruins of a stone causeway made by penances.

"At Maijm the Portugals have another complete Church and House; the English a pretty Custom-house and Guard- house : The Moors also a Tomb in great veneration for a Peor, or Prophet, instrumental to the quenching the flames approaching tlieir Prophet's Tomb at Mecha (though he was here at the same time) by the fervency of his prayers.

" At Salvasong, the farthest part of this Inlet, the Francis- cans enjoy another Church and Convent; this side is all covered with trees of cocoes, jawks, and mangoes ; in the middle lies Verulee, where the English have a watch.

" On the other side of the great inlet, to the sea, is a great point a])ntting against Old Woman's Island, and is called Malabar-hill, a rocky, woody mountain, yet sends forth long grass. A-top of all is a Parsee Tomb lately reared ; on its declivity towards the sea, the remains of a stupendous

ENGLISH AT SUE AT AND BOMBAY. 39

Pagoda^ near a tank of fresh water, which the Malabars visited it mostly for.

" Thus have we compleated our rounds, being in the cir- f^f^f^ of ^^^ cumference twenty miles, the length eight, taking in Old- Woman's Island, which is a little low barren Island, of no other profit, but to keep the Company's antelopes, and other beasts of delight.

'' The people that live here are a mixture of most of the Mitt people, neighbouring countries, most of them fugitives and vaga- bonds, no account being here taken of them : Others perhaps invited hither (and of them a great number) by the liberty granted them in their several religions, which here are solemnized with variety of fopperies (a toleration consistent enough with the rules of gain), though both Moors and Portugals despise us for it ; here licensed out of policy, as the old Numidians to build up the greatest empire in the world. Of these, one among another, may be reckoned 60000 souls; more by 50000 than the Portugals ever could. For which number this Island is not able to find provisions, it being most of it a rock above water, and of that which is overflowed, little hopes to recover it. However, it is well snp2)lied from abroad both with corn and meat at reasonable rates ; and there is more ilesh killed for the English alone here in one month, than in Surat for a year for all the Moors in that populous city.

" The Government here now is English ; the soldiers have English martial law : The freemen, common ; the chief arbitrator ■whereof is the President, with his Council at Surat; under him is a Justiciary, and Court of Pleas, with a Committee for regulation of affairs, and presenting all complaints.

" The President has a large commission, and is Vice-Regis : Power and he has a Council here also, and a guard when he walks or President. ° rides abroad, accompanied with a party of horse, which are constantly kept in the stables, either for pleasure or service. He has his chaplains, physician, surgeons, and domes- ticks ; his linguist, and mint-master : At meals he has his trumpets usher in his courses, and soft music at the table ;

40

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Cnhcalt.hiness of Bombay,

English women.

Longevity «( ualives :inU rorluguite.

If lie move out of his chamber^ the silver staves wait on him ; if down stairs, the guard receive him ; if he go abroad the Baudarines and Moors under two standards march before him. He goes sometimes in the coach, drawn by large milk- white oxen, sometimes on horseback, other times in palen- keens, carried by Cohors, Mussulman porters : Always having a Sumbrero of state carried over him : And those of the English inferior to him, have a suitable train.

" But for all this gallantry, I reckon they walk but in charnel-houses, the climate being extremely iiuhealthy ; at first thought to be caused by Bubsho, rotten fish ; but though that be prohibited, yet it continues as mortal : I rather impute it to the sit\iation, which causes au infecundity in the earth, and a putridness in the air, what being produced seldom coming to maturity, whereby what is eaten is un- digested ; whence follows fluxes, dropsy, scurvy, barbiers (which is au enervating the whole body, being neither able to use hands or feet), gout, stone, malignant and putrid fevers, which are endemial diseases : Among the worst of these. Fool Rack (brandy made of blubber, or carvil,by the Portu'gals, because it swims always iu a blubber, as if nothing else were in it ; but touch it, and it stings like nettles; the latter, because sailing on the waves it bears up jike a Portugal Carvil : It is, being taken, a jelly, and distilled causes those that take it to be fools),

" To support their colony, the Company have sent out English women ; but they beget a sickly generation ; and as the Dutch well observe, those thrive better that come of an European father and Indian mother : which (not to reflect on what creatures are sent abroad) may be attributed to their living at large, not debarring themselves wine and strong drink, which immoderately used, inflames the blood, and spoils the milk in these hot countries, as Aristotle long ago declared. The natives abhor all heady liquors, for which reason they prove better nurses.

"Notwithstanding this mortality to the English, the country people and naturalized Portugals live to a good old agCj

■\

ENGLISH AT SUEAT AND BOMBAY. 41

supposed to be the reward of their temperauce ; indulging themselves neither in strong drinks, nor devouring flesh as

we do. But I believe rather we are here, as exotic plants

brought home to us, not agreeable to the soil : For to the lustier and fresher, and oftentimes the temperatest, the clime more unkind ; 1)ut to old men and women it seems to be more suitable.

" Happy certainly then are those, and only those, brought Misery and hither in their nonage, before they have a gust of our Albion ; EngUsh. or next to them, such as intoxicate themselves with Laethe and remember not their former condition : When it is expostulated, Is this the reward of an harsh and severe pupilage ? Is this the Elysium after a tedious wastage ? For this, will any thirst, will any contend, will any forsake the pleasures of his native soil, in his vigorous age, to bury himself alive here ? Were it not more charitable at the first bubbles of his infant-sor- rows, to make the next stream over-swell him ? Or else if he must be full grown for misery, how much more com- passionate were it to expose him to an open combat with the fiercest duellists in nature, to spend at once his spirits, than to wait a pieeeraealed consumption ? Yet this abroad and unknown, is the ready choice of those to whom poverty threatens contempt at home : What else could urge this wretched remedy ? For these are untrodden paths for know- ledge, little improvement being to be expected from barbarity custom and tradition are only venerable here ; and it is heresy to be wiser than their forefathers ; which opinion is both bred and hatched by an innate sloth ; so that though we seem nearer the heavens, yet bodies here are more earthy and the mind wants that active fire that always mounts, as if it were extiuguished by its Antiparistasis : Whereby society and communication, the characteristic of man, is wholly lost. What then is to be expected here, where sordid thrift is the only science ? After which, notwithstanding there is so general an inquest, few there be acquire it : For in five hundred, one hundred survive not ; of that one hundred, one quarter get not estates ; of those that do, it has not

K

42

EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Kn^lisb embassy to Siraji.

been recorded above one in ten years bas seen bis country : And in tbis difficulty it would bardly be worth a sober man^s while, much less an ingenuous man^s, who should not defile his purer thoughts, to be wholly taken up with such mean (not to say indirect) contemplations ; however, a necessary ^adjunct, wealth, may prove to buoy him up on the surface ' of repute, lest the vulgar serve him as ^sop^s frogs did their first revered deity/'

Dr. Fryer yisited Bomhay in stirring times. Sivaji had established his jMahratta kingdom in the Kon- kan. He was preparing for his coronation as Eaja. The English at Bombay sent an embassy to the Raja in the hope of opening up a trade through his dominions into the Dekhan. Fryer describes the progress of the embassy. Sivaji held his head-quar- ters at the great hill fortress of E/airee. At this time he was absent on a pilgrimage. Accordingly the English ambassador halted at Puncharra, a town situated at the foot of the hill. Here he had an interview with Narainji Pundit, one of the Mahratta ministers. He begged the Pundit to persuade Sivaji of the profit that would accrue to him by the open- ing up of the trade ; for, as the Raja had been a soldier from his infancy, it was possible that he paid no attention to such matters. The Mahratta minister replied to the following effect :

" That he doubted not but it would be effected in a short winisterof state ^^^® ^ ^^^ ^^^^ the King of Bijapur, who is owncr of those toEng the iish. countries (from whence most sorts of wares come) being weary of wars with his master, had sent several eml>assies to conclude a peace with him : which he thought would be made up in two or three months, and then the ways would be free, and the merchants have egress and roo^ress as formerlv.

Ofticionsnpss of a Chief

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 43

That the Rajah, after his coronation^ would act more like a Prince, by taking care of his subjects, and endeavouring the advancement of commerce in his dominions ; which he could not attend before, being in perpetual war with the Great Mogul, and King of Bijapur. This is the substance of his (the ambassador's) discourse with Narainji Pundit, who seemed to him to be a man of prudence and esteem with his master : so after a little sitting he took his leave of him, having first pre- sented him with a diamond ring, for which he expressed a liking ; and his eldest son a couple of Pamerins, which are fine mantles.

" They continuing under their tent, found It very hot and Rair^e. incommodious ; wherefore they were glad when they heard the Rajah was returned from Purtabghur, when the ambas- sador solicited Narainji Pundit to procure his leave to pass up the Hill into Rairee Castle : the next day they received order to ascend the hill into the castle, the Rajah having appointed a house for them ; which they did ; leaving Puncharra about three in the afternoon, they arrived at the top of that strong mountain, forsaking the humble clouds about sun-set.

" Rairee is fortified by nature more than art, being of very The luii. difficult access, there being but one avenue to it, which is cuarded by two narrow gates, and fortified by a strong wall exceeding high, and bastions thereto : all the other part of the mountain is a direct precipice, so that it is impregnable, except the treachery of some in it betray it. On the moun- tain are many strong buildings, as the Rajah's Court, and houses of other Ministers, to the number of abont 300. It is in leno-th about two miles and an half, but no pleasant trees or any sort of grain grows thereon. Their house was about a mile from the Rajah's Palace, into which they retired with no little content.

'' Four days after their ascent, by the solicitation of Narainji Audience with Pundit, the Rajah gave them audience, though busily em- ployed by many other great affairs, relating to his coronation and marriage. Our ambassador presented him, and his son Sambaji Rajah, with the particulars appointed for them ;

44 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

which they took well satisfied with them ; and the Rajah assured them we mig-ht trade securely in all his countries without the least apprehension of ill from him_, for that the peace was concluded. Our ambassador replied, that was our intent ; and to that intent the President had sent him to this Court to procure the same articles and privileges we enjoyed in Indostan and Persia, where we traded. He answered, it is well, and referred our business to Moro Pundit his Peshwa, or Chancellor, to examine our articles, and give an account what thej' were. He and his son withdrew into their private apartments, to consult with the Brahmans about the ceremo- nies preparatory to his enstalment ; which chiefly consisted in abstinence and purifying ; till w^hich be over, he will hear no farther of business. They likewise departed to their lodgings, sivaji wfigbed ^' About this time the Raiah, according to the Hindu custom,

in gold. -^ . * . '

was weighed in gold, and poised about 16,000 Pagodas, which money, together with an 100,000 more, is to be distributed among the Brahmans after the day he is enthroned, who in great numbers flock hither from all parts ©f his territories. Grants the *' Being camcst to press on nis errand he came for, the

Eugiish. ambassador sent to Naraioji Pundit to know what was

transacted in the articles ; but was returned for answer : — The Rajah stopt his ears to all affairs, declaring he had granted all the demands, except those two articles, expressing our money shall go current in his dominions, and his on Bombay; and that he shall restore whatever wrecks may happen on his coasts belonging to the English, and inhabitants of Bom- bay : the first he accounted unnecessary to be inserted, be- cause he forbids not the j^assiug of any manner of coins : nor on the other side, can he force his subjects to take those monies whereby they shall be losers ; but if our coin be as fine an allay, and as weighty as the] Mogul's, and other Princes, he will not prohibit it. To the other he says, that it is against the laws of Konkan to restore any ship.s, vessels, or goods, that are driven ashore by tempest, or otherwise ; and that should he grant us that privilege^ the French, Dutch,

ENGLISH AT SURAT AND BOMBAY. 45

and other merchants^ would claim the same right ; which he could not grant without breaking a custom has lasted many- ages : the rest of our desires he willingly conceded, embracing with much satisfaction our friendship, promising to himself and country much happiness by our settlement and trade : notwithstanding Narainji Pundit did not altogether despair of obtaining our wrecks, because we enjoyed the same privi- lege in the Mogul and Deccan country.

''Near a mouth after they had been here, Narainji Pandit tkc Ambassador

. . ' siinunoned to

sent word, that to-morrow about seven or eight in the morn- the Coronation. ing, the Rajah Sevaji intended to ascend his throne ; and he would take it kindly if they came to congratulate him there- on ; that it was necessary to present him with some small thing, it not being the custom of the Eastern parts to appear before a Prince empty-handed. The ambassador sent him word, according to his advice he would wait on the Rajah at the prescribed time.

" Accordins-ly next mornino; he and his retinue went to Coronation

® , , . „ of Sivaji.

Court, and found the Rajah seated on a magnificent throne, and all his nobles waiting on him in rich attire ; his son Sambaji Rajah, Peshwa Moro Pundit, and a Brahman of great eminence, seated on an ascent under the throne ; the rest, as well officers of the army as others, standing with great respect. The English made their obeisance at a distance, and Narainji Pundit held up the diamond ring that was to be presented him : He presently took notice of it, and ordered their coming nearer, even to the foot of the throne, where being vested, they were desired to retire ; which they did not so soon, but they took notice on each side of the throne there hung (according to the Moor's manner) on heads of gilded lances many emblems of dominion and government ; as on the right-hand were two great fishes heads of gold, with very large teeth ; on the left, several horses' tails, a pair of gold scales on a very high lance's head, equally poised, an emblem of justice ; and as they returned, at the Palace gate stood two small elephants on each side, and two fair horses with gold trappings, bridles, and rich furniture ; which made

46

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

The Rajah marries a fourth Wife.

Sivaji signs the Articles.

Value of the

foregoing

description.

them admire how they brought them up the hill^ the passage being: both difficult and hazardous.

" Two daj's after this, the Kajah was married to a fourth wife, without state ; and doth every day bestow alms on the Brahmaus,

" Some days after, Narainji Pundit sent word the Rajah had signed their articles, all but that about money. Then the rest of the Ministers of State signed them, and they went to receive them of Narainji Pundit, who delivered them to the ambassador with expressions of great kindness for our nation, and offered on all occasions to be serviceable to the English at the Court of the Hajah.^'

The description of the reception by Sivaji of an English ambassador is very valuable ; it brings the English reader face to face with the court of the once famous Mahratta. Strangely enough it is not noticed in Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas.

CHAPTEE III.

ENGLISH AT MADRAS:

1600—1677.

WHILST the English were estahlishing them- Attempts at a oi 1 J • 1 r> T 1 • settlement on

selves at Surat on the western side of India, the eastern side

' of India.

they made many futile attempts to effect a settle- ment on the eastern side, known as the Coast of Coromandel. The trade on the Coromandel Coast was very vahiahle. The natives in this quarter had brought the art of painting or dyeing calicoes to the highest pitch of perfection. They were in great demand in Europe. Above all, they were in great demand in the countries further to the eastward ; in Burma, Siam and the Indian Archipelago ; espe- cially in what were known as the Spice Islands.

The English, however, wanted something more want of a tem-

tory and furtifi-

than a factory. They wanted a territory which they '^^''O''- could fortify. No such territory could be obtained in the Moghul dominions. The Moghuls would neither grant territory nor allow of any fortifica- tions.

It would be tedious to narrate the many abortive Purchase of

" Madras,

attempts that the English made in this direction.

48 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

At last they succeeded in buying a piece of land from a Hindu Raja. It was in the remote Penin- sula, far away to the south and far away from the MoEjhul frontier. It was afterwards known as Madras. It was the first territory which the English secured in India. Madras founded, Madras was founded in 1639. A site was chosen

lt>39.

on the sandy shores of the Coast of Coromandel. ^^ The spot was hard by the Portuguese city of St. Thome. In the sixteenth century St. Thome was famous throughout the world of Christianity. St. Thomas the Apostle was said to have been martyred there. His bones were found, or were said to have been found, in a neighbouring mount. The city and cathedral of St. Thome were built to commemorate the legend.^ Territory and Thc Englisli territory of Madras was a mere strip of land to the north of St. Thome. It ran six miles along the shore and one mile inland. It was exposed to the heavy surf which rolls in from the Bay of Bengal ; but it possessed one crowning advantage. There was a small island in the strip facing the sea; it was formed on tlie land side by the river Koum. It was only four hundred yards lono^ and about a hundred vards wide : but it could be easily rendered secure against the predatory attacks of native horsemen.

' The story of St. Thomas is told in thc tenth book of thc " Lusiad " of

Camoons. 'llic " Lusiad " is a Portuguese epic composed in the sixteenth

century. It is known to English readers through the poetical trauslation of William Mickle.

island.

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 49

A certain Mr. Day bought the strip from the wwte Town. Hindu Raja of Chandragheri.^ The English agreed to -paj a yearly rent of twelve hundred pagodas, or nearly six hundred pounds sterling, for this piece of land. They built a wall round the island. They laid out the enclosure in little streets and alleys, with a fortress in the centre. No one but Eu- ropeans were allowed to live on the island. It was accordingly known as "White Town."

There was soon a large native settlement outside Biaek Town. the island. It was inhabited by weavers and other people of the country; hence it was known as "Black Town." White Town and Black Town were both included under the name of Madras. White Town was also called Port St. Georsre.^

1 The Hindu Raja of Chandragheri deserves a passing notice. His name was Sri Ranga Raja, He was a descendant of the old Rajas of Vijayanagar, who had been driven out of the western table-land in the previous century. He affected to live in state at the fortress of Chandragheri, about seventy miles to the south-west of Madras. His suzerainty was still respected by some of the local governors round about. The governors were called Naiks or deputies of the Raja. The strip of seaboard, afterwards called Madras, was within the government of the Naik of Chingleput.

Sri Ranga Raja was a genuine Hindu, Like all Hindus, he was ardently desirous of perpetuating his family name to future ages. In granting the land to the English, he expressly stipulated that the English town should be called Sri Ranga Raja-patanam, or " the town of Sri Ranga Raja." The grant was engraved on a plate of gold. The English kept the plate for more than a century. It was lost in 1746 at the capture of Madras by the French,

The Raja of Chandragheri was out^vitted by the Naik of Cliingleput. The father of the Naik was named Chinnapa. The Naik set the Raja defiance. He ordered the town to be called Chinna-patanani, or " the town of Cliinnapa," The Raja was helpless. The Muhammadans were pressing towai-ds the south. In 1646 the Raja fled away to Mysore. The English gave the name of Madras to their town on the Coast of Cdromandel. To this day the native people call it by the old name of Chinna-patauam.

2 The accompanying cb-awhig of Fort St. George in 1677 is taken from Fryer's Travels.

D

50 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Early perils. The English at Madras were at first exposed to

great danger. The Hindu Raja was soon conquered by the Muhammadans of the neighbouring kingdom of Golkonda. The officer of the Sultan of Golkonda who commanded the country round about Madras was knowD as tlie Nawab. He was never contented with the yearly rent ; he wanted presents and exact- ed fines. Sometimes he laid an embargo upon all goods and supplies going to Madras until the money was paid. Sometimes he besieged the place. After the walls were finished, no native army ever cap- tured Fort St. George.

Kise of Madras. j^gr souic Tcars thc houscs lu Whitc Town were very few in number. The Europeans were few. There were twenty or thirty servants of the Com- pany, and a few soldiers. The Portuguese at St. Thome were invited to build houses at Madras ; and many were glad to come and live under the protection o^ the English guns.

Absence of little or uotliing is known of Madras in those

records prior to

1670- early days. There are no records at Madras before

1670. The times, however, were very bad. In Eng- land there was civil war, followed by the Common wealth and the restoration of Charles the Second. In India the advance of the Sultan of Golkonda into the Peninsula, and the occasional inroads of Mahrattas, were a great hindrance to the trade.

ciptnrc of St. About 1662 a general of Golkonda captured the

Thomi'^ by tlic .

H",'l^n""^"' City of St. Thome. Numbers of Portuguese were driven out of the town. Many took refuge in

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 5X

Fort St. George, and built houses there. This Portuguese population strengthened the place for a time, but caused much inconvenience in after years.

In the year 1672 Madras was an important place. Madras mi672. "White Town contained about fifty houses laid out in twelve streets. In the midst was the large house of the Governor, where all the Company's servants took their early dinners. Some of the older servants were married, and lived in separate houses ; but all were expected to be present at dinner, and to maintain order and decorum.

The establishment at Madras was on the same plan European

■•• establishment,

as that at Surat, which has already been described. The Governor or Agent was of course the first member of Council. The Book-keeper was second in Council ; the Warehouse-keeper was third ; and the Customer was fourth. The duties of these officers may be gathered from their names. The duties of Customer were peculiar to the English settle- ments. He collected all customs, rents, and other taxes ; he also sat as Justice of the Peace in Black Town. The administration of justice will be brought under consideration hereafter.

The Council met every Monday and Tuesday consnuationa

and ^euerai

at eight o'clock for the transaction of business. ^*^''^"^- Everything was discussed and decided in Council. All that concerned the Company or their servants down to the most trifling point was duly laid before the Council. The Secretary was always in attend- ance. He kept a diary of all proceedings and

52

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Merchants,

Factors, Writers,

Private trade aud presents.

Chaplain an<l School- niabter,

consultations. A copy of the diary was sent home every year, together with a general letter review- ing the proceedings ; in reply a general letter was received from the Court of Directors. These records have heen preserved either in India or in Ensrland dow^n to our own time.

The members of Council were known as Mer- Those under them were graded as Factors, Writers, and Apprentices. The salaries were very small. The Governor of Madras drew only three hundred pounds a year ; the second in Council drew one hundred ; the third drew seventy ; and the fourth only fifty. Factors were paid between twenty and forty ; Writers received only ten pounds, and Apprentices only five. But all were lodged and boarded at the expense of the Company.

The salaries were very low. They were mere fractions of the real incomes. Fortunes were some- times acquired by private trade. Every servant of the Company was alloAved to trade to any port in the East, so long as he paid the custom duties levied by the Company, and did not interfere with the trade between India and Europe. Again, it was impossible to prevent the receipt of presents from native merchants and others wlio sold goods to the Company. Throughout the whole period of the Company's monopoly there were always suspicions and complaints under this head.

In addition to the foregoing, there was a Chaplain, on a hundred a year, who read prayers every day

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 53

and preached on Sundays. There was also a School- master, on fifty pounds a year, wlio taught the children in "White Town. He was directed to teach Portuguese and native children, provided they were also taught the principles of Christianity according to the Church of England.

The administration of iustice by the Collector of AHmiuistration

*^ of justice.

Customs was of a primitive character. As far as natives were concerned there was no difficulty. As Magistrate in Black Town, he flogged, imprisoned, or fined at discretion. But Europeans were dealt with in a different manner. The Governor and Council became the judges ; and twelve men were summoned to serve as jurors.

In the White Town the public peace was main- Native police. tained by the Agent, as commander of the garrison. In the Black Town it was kept by a native public officer known as the Pedda Naik. In the early days of the settlement, twenty native servants, known as peons, sufficed to keep the peace. Subsequently the number was increased to fifty. In return the Pedda Naik was granted some rice-fields rent free ; also some petty duties on rice, fish, oil, and betel-nut. The office of Pedda Naik soon be- came hereditary after native fashion. It also drifted into native ways. The Pedda Naik and his peons came to an understanding with the thieves. They suffered thieves to escape on con- dition of receiving half of the stolen goods. They imprisoned the people who were robbed, in order to prevent their complaining to the Agent.

54

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,

The discovery led to a cliange. The Pedda Naik was bound over to make good all losses by theft ; and the new system seems to have worked satis- factorily.

Morals. Thc ncighbourhood of Black Town was not

conducive to the morals of the Eort. The younger men would climb over the walls at night time, and indulge in a round of dissipation. There were houses of entertainment known as punch houses. They are still called punch houses. They took their name from the Indian drink concocted by the convivial Factors at Surat. As already shown, it was an essentially Indian drink called by the Hindustani name which sisjnifies " five."

Dr. Eryer visited Madras about the year 1674. He thus describes the place and its surroundings : — " I went ashore in a Mussoola, a boat wherein ten men jiadclle^ the two aftermost of whom are the steers-men, using their paddles instead of a rudder : The boat is not strength- ened wuth knee-timber, as ours are ; the bended planks are sowed together with rope-yarn of the coeoe, and calked with dammar (a sort of rosin taken out of the sea) so artificially, that it jields to every ambitious surf, other- wise we could not get asliore, the Bar knocking in pieces all that are inflexible : Moving towards the shore, we let St. Thomas, which lies but three miles to the south of Maderas, and Fort St. George in the midway Maderas river in great rains opens its mouth into the sea ; having first saluted the banks of Fort St. George on the west : Towards the sea the sand is cast up into a rampire, from whence the fluid artillery discharges itself upon us, and we on the shoulders of the blacks must force our way through it.

Landed, arc wcH " Thougli We landed wet, the sand was scalding hot, which

•wetted at Fort ° ' o ->

St. George. made me recollect my st<:'ps, aud hasten to the Fort. As

Fryer's visit about 1674.

Went ashore in a boat called a Ik] ussoola.

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 55

it looked on the water, it appeared a place of good force. The outwork is walled with stone a good heighth, thick enough to blunt a caunon-bulletj kept by half a dozen ordnance at each side the water-gate, besides an half -moon of fire-guns. At both points are mounted twelve guns eying the sea, Maderas, and St. Thomas; under these in a line stand pallisadoes, reaching from the wall to the sea ; and hedge in at least a mile of ground. On the south side they have cut a ditch of sufficient depth and breadth to prevent scaling the wall, which is a quarter of a mile in length afore it meets with a third point or bastion, facing St. Thomas, and the adjacent fields ; who suffer a deluge when the rains descend the hills. From this point to the fourth, where are lodged a dozen guns more that grin upon Maderas, runs no wall, but what the in- habitants compile for their gardens and houses planted all along the river parallel with that, that braces the sea. From the first point a curtain is drawn with a parapet; beneath it are two gates, and sally ports to each for to enter !Maderas ; over the gates five guns run out their muzzels, and two more within them on the ground.

" Over all these the Fort it self lifts up its fonr turrets. The Fort de- e very point of which is loaded with ten guns alike: On the south-east point is fixed the standard ; the forms of the bastions are square, sending forth curtains fringed with battlements from one to the other; in whose interstitiums whole culverin are traversed. The Governor's house in the middle overlooks all, slanting diagonally with the court. Entering the garrison at the out-gate towards the sea, a path of broad polished stones spreads the way to pass the second guard into the Fort at an humble gate ; opposite to this, one more stately fronts the High-street; on both sides thereof is a court of guard, from whence, for every day's duty, are taken two hundred men : There being in pay for the Honourable East India Company of English and Portuguez 700, reckoning the Moutrosses and Gunners.

56 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Neat Dwellings. " The streets are sweet and clean, ranked with fine mansions of no extraordinary height (because a garrison-town) though heauty, which they conciliate, by the battlements and terrace walks on every house, and rows of trees before their doors, whose Italian porticos make no ordinary con- veyance into their houses, built with brick and stone.

Portuguese " Edifices of common note are none, except a small Chapel

Chapel. -r-r. 1 1-1 n*-

the Fortugals are admitted to say Mass m.

" Take the town in its exact proportion, and it is oblong. The English *"' The truc possessoi's of it are the English, instaled therein

masters ot J- o .<

Madras. ]^y qi^q of their Naiks or Prince of the Hindoos 90 years

ago, 40 years before their total subjection to the Moors j^ who likewise have since ratified it by a patent from Golconda, only paying 7000 pagocls yearly for royalties and customs that raises the money fourfold to the Company ; whose

Sir William Agcut here is Sir William Langhorn, a gentleman of inde- ' fatigable industry and worth. He is Superintendent over all the Factories un the Coast of Coromandel, as far as the Bay of Bengala, and up Huygly river (which is one of the falls of Ganges, viz.. Fort St. George alias ]\Iaderas, Pettipolee, Mechlapatan, Gundore, Medapollon, Balisore, Bengala, Huygly, Castle Bazar, Pattana. He has his Mint, and privilege of coining ; the country stamp is only a Fanam, which is 2)d. of gold ; and their Cask, twenty of which go to a Fanam. Moreover he has his Justiciaries ; to give sentence, but not on life and death to the King's liege people of England ; though over the rest they may. His personal guard consists of 300 or 400 Blacks; besides a band of 1500 men ready on summons : He never goes abroad without fifes, drums, trumpets, and a flag with two balls in a red field; accompanied with his Council and Factors on horseback, with their Ladies in paleukeens.

' Dr. Fryer is mistakon in his chronology. Madras was founded about thirty-five years before his visit. He is also mistaken about the rent paid to Golkonda, which was only twelve hundred pagodas.

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 5*7

" The English here are Protestants, the Portugals Papists, who have their several Orders of Fryers; who, to give them their due, compass sea and land to make proselytes, many of the natives being brought in by them.

" The number of Ensrhsh here may amount to three hundred ; Number of

11 i-ncii-i English and

of Portuguez as many thousand, who made Fort St. George Portugais. their refuge, when they were routed from St.. Thomas by the Moors about ten years past, and have ever since lived under protection of the English.

" Thus have you the limits and condition of the English town : Let us now pass the pale to the heathen town, only parted by a wide parade, which is used for a bazar, or market-place.

" The Native town of Maderas divides itself into divers Black Town. long streets, and they are checquered by as many transverse. It enjoys some Choultries for Places of Justice ; one Exchange ; one Pagoda, contained in a square stone-wall ; wherein are a number of Chapels (if they may be comprehended under that class, most of them resembling rather monuments for the dead, than places of devotion for the living), one for every Tribe; not under one roof, but distinctly separate, visited a Pagoda though altogether, they bear the name of one entire Pagoda. Tempie. The work is inimitably durable, the biggest closed up with arches continually shut, as where is supposed to be hid their Mammon of unrighteousness (they burying their estates here when they die, by the persuasion of their priests, towards their inatieum for another state) admitting neither light nor air, more than what the lamps, always burning, are by open funnels above suffered to ventilate : By which custom they seem to keep alive that opinion of Plato, in such a revolution to return into the world again, after their trans- migration, according to the merits of their former living. Those of a minuter dimension were open, supported by slender straight and round pillars, plain and uniform up to the top, where some hieroglyphical portraiture lends its assistance to the roof, flat, with stones laid along like planks upon our rafters. On the walls of good sculpture were

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

The English Tombs.

The Enf^lish OardeuB.

many images : The floor is stoned, they are of no great altitude ; stinking most egregiously of the oil they waste iu their lamps, and besmear their beastly gods with : Their outsides shew workmanship and cost enough, wrought round with monstrous eflSgies; so that oleum et operam perdere, pains and cost to no purpose, may not improperly be apjilied to them. Their gates are commonly the highest of the work, the others concluding in shorter piles.

"Near the outside of the town the English Golgotha, or place of sculls, presents variety of tombs, walks and sepulchres ; which latter, and they stand in a Ime, are an open cloyster; but succinctly and precisely a Quadrngone with hemispherical apartitions; on each side adorned with battlements to the abutment of every angle, who bear up a coronal arch, on whose vertex a globe is rivited by an iron wedge sprouting into a branch ; paved underneath with a great black stone, whereon is engraved the name of the party interred. The buildings of less note are low and decent ; the town is walled with mud, and bulwarks for watch-places for the English Peons; only on that side the sea washes it, and the Fort meets it. On the north are two great gates of brick, and one on the west, where they wade over the river to the washermen's town.

" Without the town grows their rice, which is nourished by the letting in of the water to drown it : Round about it is bestrewed with gardens of the English ; where, besides gourds of all sorts for stews and pottage, herbs for sallad, and some few flowers, as jassamin, for beauty and delight; flourish pleasant topes of plantains, cocoes, guiavas, a kind of pear, jawks, a coat of armour over it like an hedge-hog's, guards its weighty fruit, oval without for the length of a span, within in fashion like squils parted; mangos, the deiij^ht of India, a plum, pomegranets, bananas, which are a sort of plantain, though less, yet much more grateful ; betel, which last must not be slipt by in silence : It rises out of the ground to twelve or fourteen feet heighth, the body of it green and slender, jointed like a cane, the boughs flaggy

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 59

and spreading", under whose arms it brings forth from its pregnant womb (which bursts when her month is come) a cluster of green nuts, like wallnuts in green shells, but different in the fruit; which is hard when dried, and looks like a nutmeg.

"The Natives chew it with CUnam (lime of calcined what Pawn is. oyster-shells) and Arach, a convolvulus with a leaf like the largest ivy for to preserve their teeth, and correct an un- savoury breath : If swallowed, it inebriates as much as tobacco. Thus mixed, it is the only Indian entertainment, called Pawn.

"These plants set in a row, make a grove that might delude the fanatic multitude into an opinion of their being sacred ; and were not the mouth of that grand impostor hermetically sealed up, where Christianity is spread, these would still con- tinue, as it is my fancy they were of old, and may still be the laboratories of his fallacious oracles: For they masquing- the face of day, beget a solemn reverence, and melancholy habit in them that resort to them ; by representing the more in- ticing place of zeal, a Cathedral, with all its pillars and pillasters, walks and choirs ; and so contrived, that whatever way you turn, you have an even prospect.

" But not to run too far out of Maderas before I give you Nature of the an account of the people ; know they are under the bondage with the Moors, were not that alleviated by the power of the English, who command as far as their guns reach : To them therefore they pay toll, even of cowdung (which is their chiefest fireing), a prerogative the Dutch could never obtain in this kingdom, and by this means acquire great estates without fear of being molested. Their only merchants being Gentues, forty Moors having hardly cohabitation with them, though of the natives 30,000 are employed in this their monopoly.

" The country is sandy, yet plentiful in provisions ; in all The country. places topes of trees, among one of which, on the top of a withered stump sate perching a Chamelion, clasping with its claws its rotten station, filling himself with his aerial food,

60

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

St. Thom^.

History of Si. Thomas.

St. Thomas Cbristiuui).

a banquet wliich most other creatures else arise an hungered from : But to be confirmed in the truth of what we have only by ti'adition, I caused a Black who had a bow there, to fell him with an earthen pellet, which when he had, and after a small time he revived, and making a collar of straw for his neck, he carried him to my lodgings, where I dieted him a month on the same provaut. That he changes his colours at a con- stant time of the day, is not to be contradicted ; but whether he live by the air alone, I will not stand to it, unless there were a dearth of flies in the country : though for my part I never did see him eat any. In shape he comes nearest a newt ; with his lungs his body does agitate itself up to its neck ; he crawls on all four, and has a tail longer than his body, which all together was no more than half a foot ; he has teeth, and those sharp /^

Dr. Fryer also furnislies the following curious particulars respecting St Thome : —

" St. Thomas is a city that formerly for riches, pride, and luxury, was second to none in India; but since, by the mutability of fortune, it has abated much of its adored excellencies.

" The sea on one side greets its marble walls, on the other a chain of hills intercepts the violence of the inflaming heat ; one of which, called St. Thomas his Mount, is famous for his sepulture (in honour of whom a chapel is dedicated, the head priest of which was once the Metropolitan Bishop of India), and for a tree called Arbor Trislis, which withers in the day, and blossoms in the night.

" About this Mount live a cast of people, one of whose legs is as big as an elephant's; which gives occasion for the divulging it to be a judgment on them, as the generation of the assassins and murtherers of the blessed Apostle St. Thomas, one of whom I saw at Fort St. George.

"Within the walls seven Churches answer to as many gates; the rubbish of whose stupendous heaps do justify the truth of what is predicated in relation to its pristine state,

" The builders of it were the Portug'als. "

ENGLISH AT MADRAS. 61

Such was the condition of Madras hetween 1670 and 1677, as told by Dr. Fryer. It may now be as well to glance at the general daily life of the English at Madras, as it is told in the Government records.

" Madras iu the Olden Time."

CHAPTER IV.

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA.

1670—1688.

TIIE Madras records were investigated by the present writer seventeen years ago. At that time he published a number of extracts in three volumes under the title of "Madras in the Olden Time." The mass of these extracts has but httle interest outside the Madras Presidency. It wiU be easy to indicate their subject matter by the following nar- rative, which has been drawn up from the earlier records, and in which a selection of the more interesting extracts will be found incorporated. ^r'^l*:''",'??*;?* Su' "William Langhorn. was Governor of Madras

of Sir UiUiam '-'

m^-iek from 1670 to 1677. He was present at Madi'as at the time of Pryer's visit. He is indeed duly noticed by Pryer. The times were stormy. Charles the Second had been ten years on the throne of England. There was an alliance between England and Prance against the Dutch.

French invasion. A PrcDch flcct ai'rivcd iu luclia. A Prench force landed at St. Thome, and took the place by storm. The Muhammadan army of Golkonda, under the command of a General named Bobba Sahib, was endeavouring to recover St. Thome from the Prench.

Matirns in Sir William Langhorn was thus hemmed around

with dangers. He dared not help tlic Prench lest

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 63

he should provoke the wrath of Bobba Sahib. Meanwhile, Bobba Sahib was angry because the English would not join him with men and guns to fight against the Prench. All this while a Dutch fleet was cruising of? the coast of Coromandel. The Dutch fleet had attacked the French at St. Thome, but was repulsed. It was daily expected that the Dutch would attack Fort St. George.

At this juncture Sir William Langhorn resolved uobba sawb. in Council to propitiate Bobba Sahib by sending him a present of scarlet broadcloth and looking- glasses. Bobba Sahib, however, was still as angry as ever. In after years Bobba Sahib had cause to regret this exhibition of hostility, as will be seen by the following extract from the consultations of the Agency, dated 6th May 1678 :—

'' Bobba Sahib, formerly General of the King of Golconda's force against the French at St. Thome, and in those daj-s a bitter enemy to the English, but now in disgrace and debt, has been some days here trying all ways to borrow money, and to have an interview with the Governor, which is refused him by reason of his former unkindnesses when he was in power, and he in despair quits the place for Pullimalee, intend- ing to go to his own country .'^

A year and a half passed away, and the French proposed aban. still remained in possession of St. Thome. Within ^-•'dr'is. " that time they had established a camp at Triplicane, the Muhammadan quarter of Madras ; and fortified it far more strongly than the English were fortified at Fort St. George. Sir William Langhorn and his Council were at one time contemplating the advis- ability of abandoning Madraspatanam altogether ;

04 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

but afterwards decided on more energetic measures. At a Consultation held on the 2nd Eebruary 1674, it was recorded that the interests of the Honorable Company, as well as the lives of the residents at the Presidency, were staked upon the issue of the siege. Their enemies at sea and land were within musket-shot ; their walls were slight and tottering ; they were pestered with the great native town close to them ; and the Dutch Governor- General was daily expected with a large fleet. Under these circumstances they resolved, after mature consideration, to enlarge and strengthen their fortifications as much as possible ; but their efforts in this direction do not seem to have much increased their strength, or to have rendered them more independent of the belligerent powers. Pour [Frenchmen froui Java were staying in Port St. George ; and in May, the Dutch and Mussul- mans peremptorily demanded their removal. Por a long time Sir William Langhorn refused to comply, because of the English alliance with Prance ; but at last the Muhammadan army fairly laid siege to Port St. George, and would hear of no further delay. The Prenchmen, on their part, refused to leave the place unless they were permitted to go to St. Thome, and there the Dutch and Muham- madans would not allow them to proceed. At last, the President in Council resolved to send them under passports and an escort to Bijapore, another Muhammadan kincrdom in the Western Dekhan. There they seem to have gone, loudly protesting,

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 65

however, against the proceeding, Inasmuch as they were subjects of the King of France, a friend and ally of the Crown of England.

Eor two years the French held possession of surrender of he

Frcncli

St. Thome. At length, on the 26th August 1674, they surrendered to the Dutch, on the condition that the garrison should be transported to Europe.

Fortunately for the Madras Agency, at that mo- Poace with the

'in 1 Dutch.

ment the news arrived from Europe that m the pre- ceding January peace had been concluded between England and Holland. But for the happy peace, the Dutch would have followed up the capture of St. Thome with the siege of Fort St. George ; and there can be little doubt that the fall of the place would have followed, for the fortifications were still but weak, and there were only two hundred and fifty men in garrison.

Sir William Langhorn was a disciplinarian in Moral rules his way. He tried to promote public morals by lay- ing down the following rules. As far as drinking was concerned they were certainly liberal ; but those were the days of Merrie King Charles.

No one person was to be allowed to drink above half a pint of arrack or brandy and one quart of wine at one time, under a penalty of one pagoda upon the housekeeper that supplied it, and twelve fanams upon every guest that had exceeded that modest allowance. Drunkenness was to be punished by a fine and the stocks. All persons addicted in any way to the social evil were to be imprisoned

E

QQ EARLY EECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

at the discretion of the Governor, and if not re- claimed were to be sent back to England. All persons telling a lie, or absenting themselves from morning or evening prayers, were to be fined four fanams for each ofPence. Persons being out of White Town after eight o'clock, would be punished ; and any one committing the heinous ofiFence of getting over the walls of White Town upon any ]3re- tence whatever, was to be kept in irons until the arrival of the ships, and then to be sent to Eng- land to receive further condign punishment on his arrival. It was also ordained that all persons swear- ing, cursing, banning or blaspheming the sacred name of Almighty God should pay a fine of four fanams for eacli offence ; that any two persons who should go out into the fields to decide a quarrel between them by the sword or fire-arms should be imprisoned for two months on nothing but rice and water ; that any soldier giving another the lie should be made fast to a gun, and there receive ten blows with a small rattan, well laid on by the man to whom he had given the lie ; and that any officer who should in any way connive at the offence, or at any mitigation of the punish- ment, should forfeit a month's wages. Low state of Kotwithstandiug these and other similar rules, public decorum was often outraged, Brawlings were not unfrequent, and were by no means con- fined to the barrrcks, the punch shops, or the warehouse, but even were to be occasionallv heard

morals.

MADRAS UNDER GOLKOXDA. 67

in the Council chamber itself. One little circum- stance which took place during the meeting of Council on 6tli June 1G76, is singularly illus- trative of the disturbances which occasionally arose. Nathaniel Keeble, buyer of jewels, uttered some provocative words concerning the wife of Mr. IlerrieSj a member of Council. Herries was of course present, and a fight took place in the Council chamber. The combatants were soon parted by the Governor and Council ; but Keeble had received a bloody nose from the clenched fist of the indis^nant husband, and swore to be reveuired upon him though he were hanged for it. Herries then swore the peace against Keeble, and the Gover- nor ordered the latter to be confined to his chamber until he had furnished security that he would keep the peace for the future. The same day, how- ever, Keeble broke from his arrest, leaped down the Eort walls, and sprained his leg; and was accordingly ordered to be confined in the " Lock house" until the arrival of the ships, when he could be dispatched to England. The next day, however, the whole matter was arranged. Natha- niel Keeble sent in his humble submission and promised amendment, and the Government merci- fully forgave him. Incidents such as these are sufficient to prove that, however strict rules might be laid down, yet the times were as lawless in Fort St. George as they were in Covent Garden or the Strand. That they were not worse is abundant- ly proved by the character of the literature and

68

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH IXDIA.

Eev. Patrick Warner.

condition of the people of England during the reign of the second Charles.

About this period a certain Reverend Patrick Warner was Chaplain at Fort St. George. He was much shocked at the low state of the morals in the settlement. He Avas also alarmed at the countenance which Sir William Langhorn had given to the Ptoman Catholics. It appears that the Portuguese had built and consecrated a new church within the Port, and that Sir William Lang- horn had ordered salutes to be fired in honour of the ceremony. Under these circumstances Mr. Warner wrote the following letter to the Court of Directors. It is dated 31st January 1676.

" Right Worshipfuls,

Letters to the Directors.

Vicious lives.

" It is my trouble that I have so little acquaintance "with your Worships, because of this I could not take the confi- dence of writing to you, nor had I auythiug worth the writing, having tiien remained so short a while in this place ; but now having been a servant under you in the ministry of the Gospel some considerable time, I have to my grief met with that w'hich maketh me, contrary to my inclination, break off my silence, and give you the ti'ouble of these lines.

" I have the charity to believe that most of you have so much zeal for God, and for the credit of religion, that your heads would be fountains of water, and eyes rivers of tears, did you really know how much God is dishonoured, his name blasphemed, religion reproached amongst ihe Gentiles, by the vicious lives of many of your servants. Did I not therefore complain of them, I should not be faithful either to God or you, or to their own souls. And if it be not a desire to approve m3'self in some measure faithful unto all those, God the searcher of hearts and tryer of reins will one

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 69

day discover, if it be not, I say, such a desire that moves me to the present undertaking-.

" It may be for a lamentation to hear and see the horrid Drunkenness, swearing and profanation of the name of God, the woful and abominable drunkenness and uncleanness that so much reign and rage among the soldiery; and these not secretly or covertly, but as it were in the siglit of the sun, and men refuse therein to be ashamed, neither can they blush/' ■5f ^ * * -x-

" Most of those women are popish christians ; and if those Popery, that marry them do not fall into the former inconveniences, they hardly escape being seduced by their wives and wives' families into popery. There have not been wanting in- stances of this also. Since I entered into this place, I have constantly refused to celebrate any such marriages except one that I was urged into, and this not before she had solemnly and before several witnesses renounced popery, and promised to attend upon ordinances with us ; but she had not been many weeks married when at the instiga- tion of some popish priests here she perfidiously fell from those promises.

"I wish your Worships may consider it be not requisite to EtII nwrriagea. inhibit such marriages, for the children turn either infidels or popish. I do also earnestly wish there may be more inspection taken what persons you send over into these places ; for there come hither some thousand murderers, some men stealers, some popish, some come over under the notion of single persons and unmarried, who yet have their wives in England, and here have been married to others, with whom they have lived in adultery ; and some on the other hand have come over as married persons, of whom there are strange suspicions they were never married. These and other abuses there are among the soldiery. There are also some of the Writers who by their lives are not a little scandalous to the Christian religion, so sinful in their drunken- ness that some of them play at cards and dice for wine that they may drink, and afterwards th rowing the dice which

70

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Neglect of public worsbip.

Immorality of tiie rew.

shall pay all^ and sometimes who shall driuk all, by which some are forced to drink until they he worse than beasts. Others pride themselves in makini: others drink till they be insensible, and then strip them naked and in that posture cause them to be carried thi'oug-h the streets to their dwelling place. Some of them, with other persons whom they invited, once went abroad to a garden not far off, and there continued a whole day and nig'ht drinking most excessively, and in so much that one of the number died within a very few days after, and confessed he had con- tracted his sickness by that excels, A person worth}'- of credit having occasion to go the next day into the same garden could number by the heads 36 bottles, and the best of his judgment they were all pottles, for it is their frequent custom to break bottles as soon as they have drunk the wine, and this they have done sometimes within the walls of the Fort, and withal, sing and carouse at very unseasonable hours. And this their drunke?iness is not alone, but in some attended

with its ordinary concomitant uncleanness.^'

■5t -x- -Jf * *

" They can find time and leisure for these things, but cannot find any time or leisure for the worship of God, which is exceedingly neg-lected by all, notwithstanding your orders to the contrar3\ I have sometimes, having waited long enough, been forced at length to begin duty with only three or four persons present, and when we have done there hath not been above twelve or thirteen in all ; but who amongst the Writers are most guilty in this, your Worships may know by the enclosed list of their absence taken by me indifferently, some appointed thereunto by the Governors; of others no account is taken.

" But because it is no less a sin to condemn the just than to justify the wicked, I must bear witness for most of the j-oung men, that they cannot, to the best of my knowledge, be accused of the former enormities. There are but a few of them that are guilty in the manner before described ; whose names I would have inserted, that so I might clear the

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 71

others, but that tliey have been lately sick, and some small hopes there are that they may amend ; they have given some ground to expect it. But i£ tliey shall return with the dog to the vomitj I will, if it please God to spare me so long, give your Worships a more full account thereof by word of mouth, upon my arrival with the next ships; for as you have already been informed, I intend to return with them, and 1 hope with your good leave so to do. Therefore what I have written may in charity be supposed, not to proceed from expectation of any advantage to myself, but from respect to the glory of God, and their good, and the encour- agement of succeeding* ministers.

" I did write, what the last year's ships give an account, in saiuteata a letter to Captain Broockman, upon the civil usage I met with from the Governor and others of Council, and indeed generally from all as to mine own person, which I do not now retract, only I could wish they were more zealous. When I have complained of those former abuses, I have been told by several that persons here are a good deal more civilised than formerly they have been. If it be so, there is a great cause to admire the patience and long suffering of God, but withal cause to fear that if those things be not reformed He will not always keep silence. The Governor I understand hath refused to listen to any that would prevent his firing of great guns, and then vollies of small shot by all the soldiers in garrison, at the consecration of a popish church within tlie walls ; if he be therein acquitted by you I have no more to say, but pray that God himself would dis- countenance that idolatry and superstition so much counten- anced by others, and prevent the hurt that may redound to the place and to your interests thereby.

" One Mr. Mallory, formerly Surgeon's mate in the Presi- Maiiory and dent and now Surgeon's mate in this place, and another, Barnes, who formerly went to sea as master of some small vessel, but having wasted the money entrusted to him, lives now idly and out of any employment. These two are con- stant companions with any of the young men in whatever

72 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,

debaucheries they were guilty of, and it gives ground for sus- picion that they may be guilty of enticing them thereunto. Warner's return. " There are some other things that I would humbly have remonstrated to your Worships, but because I intend, if it shall so please God, to see you with the next ships, at which time if it be acceptable it may more conveniently be done. I do therefore at present forbear, only praying that God would continue to prosper your undertaking and enable you faithfully to design His glory therein, and lead you to the reasonable means that may conduce to His glory, in the en- couragement of godliness, and restraint of sin in these places where your power reacheth. I am or desire to be.

Right worshipf uls, Your faithful servant.

According to my station,

Patrick Warner. Madras, January Slst 1676."

Change of Sir William Langliorn left Madras in 1677.

Governors at

Madras. -^q ^^g succGeded by a gentleman named Mr.

Streynsliam Masters. It was at this period that Sivaji, the founder of the Mahratta empire, attain- ed the height of his power. He had assumed all the insignia of a great Eaja ; and, as already seen, an English deputation from Bombay had been present at his coronation. Suddenly he entered upon a campaign which is a marvel in history. It was more than equivalent to marching an army from Bombay to Madras. He set out from his country in the Western Ghats ; marched through the Dekhan from the north-west to the south-east ; and entered the Peninsula and went to Tan j ore. On his way he passed by Madras. The entries in the

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 73

diary or consultation books of the Madras Presidency will show the general state of alarm : —

"14th May 1677. — Having this day received a message sivaji, the Mah and a letter from Sevaji Raja by a Brahmin and two others of his people, requesting some cordial stones and counter poisons, we resolved to send him some, together with a civil letter, by a messenger of our own, as a small present, to- gether with some such fruit as these gardens afford, and to bestow upon his Brahmin three yards of broad cloth and some sandalwood, not thinking it good to require the money for so small trifles, although offered in his letter ; considering how great a person he is, and how much his friendship does already and may import the Honorable Company as be grows more and more powerful and obvious to them.'^

The value of the present thus sent to Sivaji is stated in the records at Madras ; the cost of the whole was something like sixty pagodas.

A few days afterwards Sivaji sent for more Departore of cordials and medicines. The English gladly re- sponded to his request. Indeed, Sivaji was the terror of India. Madras was constantly alarmed with rumours that he was about to attack the Ensjlish and Dutch settlements. After a while the English were gladdened by the news that the Mahrattas had retired to their own country after having some bloody battles with the Naik of Mysore.

The Mysore ruler was at this period a sovereign condition of

ilysore.

of the same type as Sivaji. His army, like the Mahratta army, was composed of bandits. They committed atrocities worse than those of the Mah- rattas. The following extract from the Consultation

74 EARLY RECORDS OP BRITISH INDIA.

book of January 1679 shows the general character

of their warfare : —

" Their custom is not to kill, but to cut off the noses with the upper lips of their enemies; for which they carry an iron instrument with which they do it very dexterously, and carry away all the noses and lips they despoyle their enemys of, for which they are rewarded by the Naik of Mj^sore ac- cording to the number^ and the reward is the greater, if the beard appear upon the upper lip. This way of warfare is very terrible to all that those people engage with, so that none care to meddle with them ; they being also a resohite people, and have destroyed many that have attempted them, for thoui^^h they kill them not outrig-ht, yet they die by lingering' deaths, if they make not themselves away sooner, as for the most part they do that are so wounded, the shame and dishonor of it being- esteemed greater than the pain and difficulty of subsisting/^

The^n^ose-cuttin- Thc account In the Madras records is fully con- KurXatan. filmed by Dr. Eryer. He refers to the Mysore ruler as the Raja of Saranpatan, which is doubtless the same as Seringapatam. The extract is curi- ous : —

" The Raja of Saranpatan must not be slipped by in silence, because his way of fighting differs from his neighbours; he trains up his soldiers to be expert at a certain instrument to seize on the noses of his enemies with that slight either in the field or in their camps, that a budget-full of them have been presented to their Lord for a breakfast ; a thing, because it deforms them, so abashing, that few care to engage with him ; and this he makes use of, because it is against his religion to kill any thing. He enjoys a vast territory on the back of the Zamerhin.'^

The following miscellaneous extracts will ex- plain themselves. They also serve to illustrate the character cf the early Madras records.

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 75

Thursday, 28lh Ocfuher, 1680. — " The uew chnvch was Fouud:>tion of

■' . ... n Protestant

dedicated bv vivhie of commissions directed to the Govern- chmch at

•' _ ... Madras.

ment, and to Mr. Richard Portraan the minister, from his LordshijD the Bishop of London. The solemnity was pei'- formed in very g-ood order, and coiichided with vollies of small shot fired by the whole garrison drawn out, and the cannon round the Fort, The church named St. Mary's as at first intended, and from this day forward all public service to be there performed.

" It is observable that at the dedication of a new church by the French Padres and Portuguese in 1675, Sir William Langhorn, then Agent, had fired guns from the Fort; and yet at this time neither Padre nor Portuguese appeared at the dedication of our church, nor so much as gave the Governor a visit afterwards to wish him joy of it.''

Monday, 22nd March, 1680. — '' It fell under consideration Marnasres of

. .,., !•• 1- ^ -L Protestantii and

whether it consisteth with our religion and interest to admit catholics. of marriages between Protestants and Roman Catholics in this place, and upon the debate resolved : —

"1st, That it is not against the law of God in Holy Scripture, nor the laws of England, and hath frequently been practised in England for Protestants to marry Roman Catholics.

*' 2nd, That the Roman Catholics of this place, being- the offspring of foreign nations chieflj^ Portuguese, and born out of Eng-land, and not liable to the laws of England provided against Roman Catholics, they always owning themselves vassals to the King* of Portugal.

" 3rd, That it is our interest to allow of marriages with them, especially our men with their women, to prevent wickedness, and in regard there is not English women enough for the men, and the common soldiers cannot main- tain English women and children with their pay, as well as they can the women of the country, who are not so expensive and not less modest than our ordinary or common people are, and in matter of marriages we have already gained by them many hopeful children brought up in the Protestant religion,

76 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

'' It is also further to be remembered that these Romaa Catholics of the Portui^aese nation were invited hitherto upon our first settlement ; ground was o-iven them to build upon ; a church and French Priests were allowed^ to encourage them to come in and inhabit here ; and they have been loyal and serviceable in the defence of the place in time of war, and ai'e a great security to us on that account. Moreover, our greatest income arises from the customs upon their commerce."

off^piinsof The Protestant feelings wliicli prevailed at the

mixed marriages.

time were far too strong to permit tliese rules to be carried out. Two Chaplains were consulted by the Governor and Council. The following rules were then added, for the maintenance of Protest- antism : —

Thursday, 2oth March, 16S0. — "The marriages of Pro- testants with E/oman Catholics being again taken into con- sideration, the Honorable Company^s two Chaplains, Mr. Richard Portman and Mr. R-ichard Elliot, were sent for into the Council, and upon the debate it is concluded, resolved, and ordered,

" That upon the marriage of a Protestant with a Roman Catholic, both the parties to be married shall solemnly promise before one of the Chaplains of the place by themselves, or some for them, before the Banns shall be published, and also in the Chapel or Church by themselves in jjcrson, upon the day of marriage and before the parties shall be married, that ALL the children by them begotten and born, shall be brought up in the Protestant religion, and herein due care shall always be taken by the overseers of the orphans and the poor."

Oppression of In 1G80 tlic Enijflish settlement suffered much

LiDgapa. "^

from a Golkonda general, named Lingapa, wlio had

^7^7

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 77

l)een appointed to tlie command of the district.* His object was to raise the yearly rental from twelve hundred pagodas to two thousand ; or rather to threaten to raise it in the hope of procuring a present for himself. The records are too volumin- ous for extract. A native officer entered Black Town with drums beating and a flag flying, as though he had been high in command. He de- clared that he had been appointed to take the com- mand of the town for the Sultan of Golkonda. The Governor sent three files of soldiers after him and brought him into the Fort. After a short exa- mination the man was sent out of the town.

It was soon discovered that Lingapa was at the Embargo on

Madras.

bottom of these proceedings. He placed an em- bargo upon the English settlement. For months no goods or provisions were procurable from the sur- rounding villages. Matters grew so serious that the English garrison was forced to make raids into the country to procure provisions and fuel. The English Governor contemplated leaving Madras alto- gether, and removing to the country of some Hindu Kajah further south. The embargo was broken through, but Lingapa continued to be very trouble- some. To make matters worse, he protected certain objectionable ship captains, wlio carried on a trade with India in defiance of the Company's charter. The Company had always regarded these interlopers

^ The Sultan of Golkonda was a Shiah Muliaiumadau. The name of Lingapa shows that he was a Hindu. ^

V

78

EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA.

Finnan from Colkonda.

Troubles at

Aladrus.

as pirates. The Governor of Madras was at last forced to come to terms with Lingapa. Seven thousand pagodas were sent to Lingapa, equivalent to about three thousand pounds sterling. Matters quieted down at once. Lingapa ceased to protect the interlopers ; the yearly rent of Madras was again fixed at twelve hundred pagodas. The Sultan of Golkonda sent a firman to the Governor of Madras ; and it will be seen from the following extract that the firman was received with every lionour : —

Monday, 12lh Novew.bei-, 1663. — " This afternoon at four o'clock, the Agent and Council (being- attended with the Factors and Writers, the Company's Merchants and two com- panies of soldiers) went to the Hon'ble Company's new Garden- house to receive the King of Golconda's firman ; after which, at the drinking of the King of Golconda's health, there was fired three vollies of small shot, and thirty-one great guns. "When the ceremony was ended, the messenger that brought the firman attended upon the Agent to the Fort, where after drinking a health to Madaua and Accana, the Chief Ministers of State, there was one volley more of small shot fired, and so the messenger was dismissed for the present."

Not long afterwards there were internal troubles at Madras. There was a strike about taxes amongst the men who dyed the native calicoes and were known by the name of painters. The whole body left the Company's jurisdiction and went away to St. Thome. They threatened to murder all the native servants of the Company who refused to join them. They also stopped all provisions and goods coming to the town. The Governor and Council took strong measures. They entertained a hundred black Portu-

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. 79

guese to keep guard over the washers, to prevent them following the evil example. The wives and children of the mutineers were taken out of their bouses in Black Town, and driven into the pagoda. At last it was proclaimed hy beat of drum that unless the mutineers delivered themselves up within ten days, all their houses, goods, and chattels within the jurisdiction of the Company would be confiscated. Eight days afterwards the riugleaders were arrested at St. Thome, and brought within the Company's territories. They were at once committed to prison ; the same evening all the rest came into the town and made their submission.

Meanwhile a new Governor was appointed to Mr. wiinam

^ ^ Gyflford.

Madras. His name was Mr. William Gyfford. In after years, the Directors referred to him as " our too easy Agent Gyfford." The origin of this epithet involves a story.

At this period Mr. Josiah Child was Chairman Mr. .losiah

^ . Child.

of the Court of Directors. Child was a man of mark, but hard and overbearing in his ways. The Court of Directors had been anxious to raise a quit rent from all the householders in Madras, native and European. They hoped by so doing to defray the yearly charge for repairs and fortifications.

Mr. Masters had succeeded in raising such a tax ; Local taxes. not for repairs or fortifications, but for promoting the sanitation of Black Town. On his departure all the native inhabitants of Black Town petitioned against the tax ; and " our too easy x\gent Gyfford" abolished the tax.

80 EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH IXDIA.

Kesointioti of Qq tliG 20th September 1682, the Dh'ectors

the Directors. ■'■

wrote to the GoTernment of Madras as follows : —

" Our meaning' as to the revenue of the town is that one way or another, by Dutch, Portuguese, or Indian methods, it should be brought to defray at least the" whole constant charge of the place, which is essential to all governments in the world. People protected ought in all parts of the universe, in some way or other, to defray the charge of their protection and preservation from wrong and violence. The manner of raising which revenue we shall leave to your discretion, as may be most agreeable to the humour of that people."

Tnand.-ition at Meantime there had been a o^reat inundation of

iludras. "

the sea at Madras. The circumstance is described in the following entry : —

\ pa

Tuesday, 11th July. — " The sea having for about 10 days past encroached upon this town, and we, hopiug as it is usual, that it would retreat again of itself, forbore any remedies to keep it off j but now that instead of its losing it mightily gains ground upon us, and that without a speedy course be taken the town will run an apparent hazard of being swal- lowed up, for it has undermined even to the veiy walls, and so deep that it has eaten away below the very foundation of the town, — and the great bulwark next to the sea side, with- out a speedy and timely prevention, will certainly, in a day or two more, yield to its violence : it is therefore ordered forthwith that the drum be beat to call all coolies, carpenters, smiths, peons, and all other workmen, and that sufficient materials be provided, that they may work day and night to endeavour to put a stop to its fury : for without effectual means be used in such an eminent danger and exigency, the town, garrison, and our own lives, considering all the fore- going circumstances, must needs be very hazardous and in- secure,"

MADRAS UNDER GOLKONDA. . §1

On the 31st May 1683 the Dh'ectors remarked Directors insist

., / • 11 p 1^ • on local taxation.

on the event m the loilowing terms : —

*' We take notice of the great inuudation that endangered our Town and Fort^ and we would have you endeavour to prevent such future accidents by laying such a deep and strong foundation with chuuam, as you mention, that may be sufficient in all human probability to prevent damage by any such accident hereafter. And in all other respects we would have you to strengthen and fortify our Fort and Town by degrees, that it may be terrible against the assault of any Indian Prince and the Dutch power of India, if we should happen to have any difference with them hereafter. But we must needs desire you so to contrive your business (but with all gentleness) that the inhabitants may pay the full charge of all repairs and fortifications, who do live easier under our Government than under any Government in Asia, or indeed under any Government in the known part of the world. Their saying they pay customs is a frivolous objection, and relates only to their security at sea under our Passes, and under the guns of our Fort in port ; but the strong fortifying of the town, etc., and the raising new works is a security to their lives, houses, wives, and children, and all that belongs to them."

These orders were frequently repeated from home. Petition of

—^ NSitivGs of

The results are set forth in the following extracts Madras. from the Madras Consultations : —

Monday, 4th January 1686. — '' This morning the heads of the several Castes appeared before the President and Council, to be heard according to their desire ; and after begging pardon for the great crime they had committed in raising such a mutiny, delivered in their Petition, translate whereof is as follows : —

" ' To the Hon'ble Governor and Council.

" ' The inhabitants of this town declare, that it is now forty years and upwards, from the foundation of this Fort, and that they were invited to people and increase the town upon

82 . EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA,

the word and favour of the English, under whom they have till now lived, receiving many honours and favours without paying any tribute or rent. Only in the time of the past